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THE 



Ideals of the Republic 



OK 

GREA T WORDS FROM ORE A T 
AMERICANS 




NEIV YORK AND LONDON 

G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 
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Electrotyped, Printed, and Bound by 
G. P. Putnam's Sons 




CONTENTS. 



PAGE 

The Declaration of Independence, 1776 . . 1 
The Constitution of the United States, 1789 . 15 
Washington's Circular Letter of Congratu- 
lation and Advice to the Governors of 

the Thirteen States 57 

Washington's First Inaugural, 1789 . .85 

Washington's Second Inaugural, 1793 . . 97 

Washington's Farewell Address . . . .101 
Lincoln's First Inaugural, 1861 . . • . .155 
Lincoln's Second Inaugural, 1865 . . . . 177 
Lincoln's Gettysburg Address, 1863 . . .185 

Appendix 1S9 

Index to the Constitution 201 



THE DECLARATION OE INDE- 
PENDENCE 




THE DECLARATION OF INDE- 
PENDENCE.* 



In Congress, July 4, 1776. 
By the Representatives of the United States in 
Congress assembled. 

A DECLARATION. 

A 1 /HEN, in the course of human events, 
^ * it becomes necessary for one people 
to dissolve the political bands which have 
connected them with another, and to as- 
sume among the powers of the earth the 
separate and equal station to which the 
laws of nature and of nature's God en- 
title them, a decent respect for the 
opinions of mankind requires that they 
should declare the causes which impel 
them to the separation. 

* See Appendix, page 191. 



4 £be Declaration of IfnDepen^ence 

We hold these truths to be self-evident : 
—that all men are created equal ; that 
they are endowed by their Creator with 
certain unalienable rights ; that among 
these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of 
happiness ; that, to secure these rights, 
governments are instituted among men, 
deriving their just powers from the con- 
sent of the governed ; that whenever any 
form of government becomes destructive 
of these ends it is the right of the people 
to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a 
new government, laying its foundation 
on such principles, and organizing its 
powers in such form, as to them shall 
seem most likely to effect their safety and 
happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dic- 
tate that governments long established 
should not be changed for light and 
transient causes ; and accordingly all ex- 
perience hath shown that mankind are 
more disposed to suffer, while evils are 
sufferable, than to right themselves by 
abolishing the forms to which they are 
accustomed. But when a long train of 



Gbe declaration of Unfcepen&ence 5 

abuses and usurpations, pursuing invari- 
ably the same object, evinces a design to 
reduce them under absolute despotism, it 
is their right, it is their duty, to throw off 
such government, and to provide new 
guards for their future security. Such 
has been the patient sufferance of these 
colonies ; and such is now the necessity 
which constrains them to alter their 
former system of government. The his- 
tory of the present king of Great Britain 
is a history of repeated injuries and usur- 
pations, all having in direct object the 
establishment of an absolute tyranny over 
these states. To prove this, let facts be 
submitted to a candid world. 

He has refused his assent to laws the 
most wholesome and necessary for the 
public good. 

He has forbidden his governors to pass 
laws of immediate and pressing import- 
ance, unless suspended in their operation 
till his assent should be obtained ; and, 
when so suspended, he has utterly neg- 
lected to attend to them. 



6 XLhe Declaration of ITnDepenDence 

He has refused to pass other laws for 
the accommodation of large districts of 
people, unless those people would relin- 
quish the right of representation in the 
legislature — a right inestimable to them, 
and formidable to tyrants only. 

He has called together legislative bodies 
at places unusual, uncomfortable, and dis- 
tant from the depository of their public 
records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing 
them into compliance with his measures. 

He has dissolved representative houses 
repeatedly, for opposing, with manly firm- 
ness, his invasions on the rights of the 
people. 

He has refused, for a long time after 
such dissolutions, to cause others to be 
elected ; whereby the legislative powers, 
incapable of annihilation, have returned 
to the people at large for their exercise ; 
the state remaining, in the meantime, 
exposed to all the danger of invasion 
from without and convulsions within. 

He has endeavored to prevent the popu- 
lation of these states ; for that purpose 



ftbe declaration of IFnfcepenfcence 7 

obstructing the laws for naturalization of 
foreigners, refusing to pass others to en- 
courage their migration hither, and rais- 
ing the conditions of new appropriations 
of lands. 

He has obstructed the administration of 
justice, by refusing his assent to laws for 
establishing judiciary powers. 

He has made judges dependent on his 
will alone for the tenure of their offices 
and the amount and payment of their 
salaries. 

He has erected a multitude of new offi- 
ces, and sent hither swarms of officers, 
to harass our people and eat out their 
substance. 

He has kept among us, in times of peace, 
standing armies, without the consent of 
our legislatures. 

He has affected to render the military 
independent of and superior to the civil 
power. 

He has combined with others to subject 
us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitu- 
tion and unacknowledged by our laws; 



8 Gbe 2>ectaration of Ifnfcepenfcence 

giving his assent to their acts of pretended 
legislation, — 

For quartering large bodies of armed 
troops among us : 

For protecting them, by a mock trial, 
from punishment for any murders which 
they should commit on the inhabitants of 
these states : 

For cutting off our trade with all parts 
of the world : 

For imposing taxes on us without our 
consent : 

For depriving us, in many cases, of the 
benefits of trial by jury : 

For transporting us beyond seas, to be 
tried for pretended offences : 

For abolishing the free system of Eng- 
lish law in a neighboring province, estab- 
lishing therein an arbitrary government, 
and enlarging its boundaries so as to ren- 
der it at once an example and fit instru- 
ment for introducing the same absolute 
rule into these colonies : 

For taking away our charters, abolish- 
ing our most valuable laws, and altering 



XLhc ^Declaration of Ifnfcepenfcence 9 

fundamentally the forms of our govern- 
ment : 

For suspending our own legislatures, 
and declaring themselves invested with 
power to legislate for us in all cases what- 
soever. 

He has abdicated government here by 
declaring us out of his protection, and 
waging war against us. 

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our 
coasts, burned our towns, and destroyed 
the lives of our people. 

He is at this time transporting large 
armies of foreign mercenaries, to complete 
the works of death, desolation, and tyr- 
anny, already begun, with circumstances 
of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled 
in the most barbarous ages, and totally 
unworthy the head of a civilized nation. 

He has constrained our fellow-citizens, 
taken captive on the high seas, to bear 
arms against their country, to become the 
executioners of their friends and brethren, 
or to fall themselves by their hands. 

He has excited domestic insurrections 



io ftbe declaration of IfiiDepen&ence 

amongst us, and has endeavored to bring 
on the inhabitants of our frontiers the 
merciless Indian savages, whose known 
rule of warfare is an undistinguished de- 
struction of all ages, sexes, and condi- 
tions. 

In every stage of these oppressions we 
have petitioned for redress in the most 
humble terms; our petitions have been 
answered only by repeated injury. A 
prince whose character is thus marked by 
every act which may define a tyrant is 
unfit to be the ruler of a free people. 

Nor have we been wanting in attention 
to our British brethren. We have warned 
them, from time to time, of attempts made 
by their legislature to extend an unwar- 
rantable jurisdiction over us. We have 
reminded them of the circumstances of 
our emigration and settlement here. We 
have appealed to their native justice and 
magnanimity, and we have conjured 
them, by the ties of our common kindred, 
to disavow these usurpations, which 
would inevitably interrupt our connec- 



Zbc Declaration of 1Fnfcepen&ence ti 

tions and correspondence. They, too, 
have been deaf to the voice of justice and 
consanguinity. We must therefore acqui- 
esce in the necessity which denounces 
our separation, and hold them, as we 
hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war 
— in peace, friends. 

We, therefore, the representatives of the 
United States of America, in General Con- 
gress assembled, appealing to the Supreme 
Judge of the world for the rectitude of our 
intentions, do, in the name and by the 
authority of the good people of these 
colonies, solemnly publish and declare 
that these United Colonies are, and of 
right ought to be, free and independent 
states ; that they are absolved from all 
allegiance to the British crown, and that 
all political connection between them and 
the state of Great Britain is, and ought 
to be, totally dissolved ; and that, as free 
and independent states, they have full 
power to levy war, conclude peace, con- 
tract alliances, establish commerce, and 
to do all other acts and things which 



12 Zhe Declaration of 1Tnfce)pen&ence 

independent states may of right do. And 
for the support of this declaration, with a 
firm reliance on the protection of Divine 
Providence, we mutually pledge to each 
other our lives, our fortunes, and our 
sacred honor. 

Signed by order and in behalf of the 
Congress. 

JOHN HANCOCK, President. 
Attested, CHARLES THOMPSON, Secretary. 



NEW HAMPSHIRE. 

josiah bartlett, 
William Whipple, 
Matthew Thornton. 



NEW JERSEY. 

Richard Stockton, 
John Witherspoon, 
Francis Hopkinson, 
John Hart, 
Abraham Clark. 



MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 

Samuel Adams, 
John Adams, 
Robert Treat Paine, 
Elbridge Gerry. 



RHODE ISLAND, &c. 

Stephen Hopkins, 
William Ellery. 



PENNSYLVANIA. 

Robert Morris, 
Benjamin Rush, 
Benjamin Franklin, 
John Morton, 
George Clymer, 
James Smith, 
George Taylor, 
James Wilson, 
George Ross. 



Zhe declaration of IfnDepenDence 13 



CONNECTICUT. 

Roger Sherman, 
Samuel Huntington, 
William Williams, 
Oliver Wolcott. 



DELAWARE. 

Cesar Rodney, 
George Read, 
Thomas M'Kean. 



NEW YORK. 

William Floyd, 
Philip Livingston, 
Francis Lewis, 
Lewis Morris. 



MARYLAND. 

Samuel Chase, 
William Paca, 
Thomas Stone, 
Charles Carroll, of Car- 
rollton. 



VIRGINIA. 

George Wythe, 
Richard Henry Lee, 
Thomas Jefferson, 
Benjamin Harrison, 
Thomas Nelson, Jr., 
Francis Lightfoot Lee, 
Carter Braxton. 



SOUTH CAROLINA. 

Edward Rutledge, 
Thomas Heyward, Jr., 
Thomas Lynch, Jr., 
Arthur Middleton. 



NORTH CAROLINA. 

William Hooper, 
Joseph Hewes, 
John Penn. 



GEORGIA. 

Button Gwinnett, 
Lyman Hall, 
George Walton. 






CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED 
STATES 




CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED 
STATES.* 



\ I 7E the people of the United States, in 
* * order to form a more perfect union, 
establish justice, insure domestic tran- 
quillity, provide for the common defence, 

* The Constitution of the United States was 
adopted by a convention of the several States 
September 17, 1787. It was ratified by the 
States as follows : Delaware, December 7, 1787; 
Pennsylvania, December 12, 1787; New Jersey, 
December 18, 1787; Georgia, January 2, 1788; 
Connecticut, January 9, 1788 ; Massachusetts, 
February 6, 1788 ; Maryland, April 28, 1788 ; 
South Carolina, May 23, 1788 ; New Hampshire, 
June 21, 1788 ; Virginia, June 26, 1788 ; and 
New York, July 26, 1788. 

Thus, on the 4th of March, 1789, the day fixed 
for commencing the operations of government 
under the new Constitution, it had been ratified 
by more than the required number of States. 

North Carolina ratified it November 21, 1789; 
Rhode Island, on May 29, 1790 ; and Vermont, 
on January 10, 1791. 

* See Appendix, page ig2 



is Constitution of tbe THnite$ States 

promote the general welfare, and secure 
the blessings of liberty to ourselves and 
our posterity, do ordain and establish this 
Constitution for the United States of 
America. 

AR?ICI,3 I. 

Section i. All legislative powers here- 
in granted shall be vested in a Congress 
of the United States, which shall consist 
of a Senate and a House of Representa- 
tives. 

Sec. 2. The House of Representatives 
shall be composed of members chosen 
every second year by the people of the 
several States, and the electors in each 
State shall have the qualifications requi- 
site for electors of the most numerous 
branch of the State legislature. 

No person shall be a Representative 
who shall not have attained the age of 
twenty-five years, and been seven years a 
citizen of the United States, and who 
shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant 
of that State in which he shall be chosen. 



Constitution of tbe TUniteD Statee 19 

[Representatives and direct taxes shall 
be apportioned among the several States 
which may be included within this Union, 
according to their respective numbers, 
which shall be determined by adding to 
the whole number of free persons, includ- 
ing those bound to service for a term of 
years, and excluding Indians not taxed, 
three fifths of all other persons.]* The 
actual enumeration shall be made within 
three years after the first meeting of the 
Congress of the United States, and within 
every subsequent term of ten years, in 
such manner as they shall by law direct. 
The number of Representatives shall not 
exceed one for every thirty thousand, but 
each State shall have at least one Repre- 
sentative ; and until such enumeration 
shall be made, the State of New Hamp- 
shire shall be entitled to choose three, 
Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and 
Providence Plantations one, Connecticut 
five, New York six, New Jersey four, 

* The clause included in brackets is amended 
by the XlVth Amendment, 2d section. 



20 Constitution of tbe IDtniteD States 

Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Mary- 
land six, Virginia ten, North Carolina 
five, South Carolina five, and Georgia 
three. 

When vacancies happen in the repre- 
sentation from any State, the executive 
authority thereof shall issue writs of elec- 
tion to fill such vacancies. 

The House of Representatives shall 
choose their speaker and other officers ; 
and shall have the sole power of impeach- 
ment. 

Sec. j. The Senate of the United 
States shall be composed of two Senators 
from each State, chosen by the legislature 
thereof, for six years ; and each Senator 
shall have one vote. 

Immediately after they shall be assem- 
bled in consequence of the first election, 
they shall be divided as equally as may 
be into three classes. The seats of the 
Senators of the first class shall be vacated 
at the expiration of the second year, of 
the second class at the expiration of the 
fourth year, and of the third class, at the 



Constitution of tbe TOniteD States 21 

expiration of the sixth year, so that one 
third may be chosen every second year ; 
and if vacancies happen by resignation, 
or otherwise, during the recess of the 
legislature of any State, the executive 
thereof may make temporary appoint- 
ments until the next meeting of the legis- 
lature, which shall then fill such vacan- 
cies. 

No person shall be a Senator who shall 
not have attained to the age of thirty 
years, and been nine years a citizen of the 
United States, and who shall not, when 
elected, be an inhabitant of that State for 
which he shall be chosen. 

The Vice-President of the United 
States shall be President of the Senate, 
but shall have no vote, unless they be 
equally divided. 

The Senate shall choose their other 
officers, and also a President pro tempore \ 
in the absence of the Vice-President, or 
when he shall exercise the office of Presi- 
dent of the United States. 

The Senate shall have sole pow T er to 



22 Constitution of tbc TUnitefc States 

«v, 

try all impeachments. When sitting for 
that purpose, they shall be on oath or 
affirmation. When the President of the 
United States is tried, the Chief Justice 
shall preside ; and no person shall be 
convicted without the concurrence of two 
thirds of the members present. 

Judgment in cases of impeachment 
shall not extend further than to removal 
from office, and disqualification to hold 
and enjoy any office of honor, trust, or 
profit under the United States ; but the 
party convicted shall nevertheless be 
liable and subject to indictment, trial, 
judgment, and punishment, according to 
law. 

Sec. #. The times, places, and man- 
ner of holding elections for Senators and 
Representatives shall be prescribed in 
each State by the legislature thereof ; but 
the Congress may at any time by law 
make or alter such regulations, except as 
to the places of choosing Senators. 

The Congress shall assemble at least 
once in every year, and such meeting 



Constitution ot tbe TUnitefc States 23 

shall be on the first Monday in December, 
unless they shall by law appoint a differ- 
ent day. 

Sec. 5. Each house shall be the judge 
of the elections, returns, and qualifications 
of its own members, and a majority of 
each shall constitute a quorum to do 
business ; but a smaller number may ad- 
journ from day to day, and may be author- 
ized to compel the attendance of absent 
members, in such manner and under 
such penalties as each house may provide. 

Bach house may determine the rules of 
its proceedings, punish its members for 
disorderly behavior, and, with the con- 
currence of two thirds, expel a member. 

Each house shall keep a journal of its 
proceedings, and from time to time pub- 
lish the same, excepting such parts as 
may in their judgment require secrecy ; 
and the yeas and nays of the members of 
either house on any question shall, at the 
desire of one fifth of those present, be 
entered on the journal. 

Neither house, during the session of 



24 Constitution oi tbe THnite& States 

Congress, shall, without the consent of 
the other, adjourn for more than three 
days, nor to any other place than that in 
which the two houses shall be sitting. 

Sec. 6. The Senators and Represen- 
tatives shall receive a compensation for 
their services, to be ascertained by law, 
and paid out of the Treasury of the 
United States. They shall in all cases, 
except treason, felony, and breach of the 
peace, be privileged from arrest during 
their attendance at the session of their 
respective houses, and in going to and 
returning from the same ; and for any 
speech or debate in either house, they 
shall not be questioned in any other 
place. 

No Senator or Representative shall, 
during the time for which he was elected, 
be appointed to any civil office under the 
authority of the United States, which 
shall have been created, or the emolu- 
ments whereof shall have been increased, 
during such time ; and no person holding 
any office under the United States shall 



Constitution of the TUnftefc States 25 

be a member of either house during his 
continuance in office. 

Sec. 7. All bills for raising revenue 
shall originate in the House of Represen- 
tatives ; but the Senate may propose or 
concur with amendments as on other bills. 

Every bill which shall have passed the 
House of Representatives and the Senate, 
shall, before it becomes a law, be pre- 
sented to the President of the United 
States ; if he approve he shall sign it, but 
if not he shall return it, with his objec- 
tions to that house in which it shall have 
originated, who shall enter the objections 
at large on their journal, and proceed to 
reconsider it. If after such reconsidera- 
tion two thirds of that house shall agree 
to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together 
with the objections, to the other house, 
by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, 
and if approved by two thirds of that 
house, it shall become a law. But in all 
cases the votes of both houses shall be 
determined by yeas and nays, and the 
names of the persons voting for and 



26 Constitution of tbe Unites States 



against the bill shall be entered on the 
journal of each house respectively. If 
any bill shall not be returned by the 
President within ten days (Sundays ex- 
cepted) after it shall have been presented 
to him, the same shall be a law, in like 
manner as if he had signed it, unless the 
Congress by their adjournment prevent 
its return, in which case it shall not be a 
law. 

Every order, resolution, or vote to 
which the concurrence of the Senate and 
the House of Representatives may be 
necessary (except on a question of ad- 
journment) ,^.all be presented by the 
President of the United States ; and 
before the same shall take effect, shall be 
approved by him, or being disapproved 
by him, shall be repassed by two thirds 
of the Senate and House of Representa- 
tives, according to the rules and limita- 
tions prescribed in the case of a bill. 

Sec. 8. The Congress shall have 
power to lay and collect taxes, duties, 
imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and 



Constitution of tbc THnitefc States 27 

provide for the common defence and 
general welfare of the United States ; but 
all duties, imposts, and excises shall be 
uniform throughout the United States ; 

To borrow money on the credit of the 
United States ; 

To regulate commerce with foreign 
nations, and among the several States, 
and with the Indian tribes ; 

To establish an uniform rule of natu- 
ralization, and uniform laws on the subject 
of bankruptcies throughout the United 
States ; 

To coin money, regulate the value 
thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the 
standard of weights and measures ; 

To provide for the punishment of coun- 
terfeiting the securities and current coin 
of the United States ; 

To establish post-offices and post-roads ; 

To promote the progress of science and 
useful arts, by securing for limited times 
to authors and inventors the exclusive 
right to their respective writings and 
discoveries ; 



28 Constitution of tbe TUnftefc States 

To constitute tribunals inferior to the 
Supreme Court ; 

To define and punish piracies and 
felonies committed on the high seas, and 
offences against the law of nations ; 

To declare war, grant letters of marque 
and reprisal, and make rules concerning 
captures on land and water ; 

To raise and support armies, but no ap- 
propriation of money to that use shall be 
for a longer term than two years ; 

To provide and maintain a navy ; 

To make rules for the government and 
regulation of the land and naval forces ; 

To provide for calling forth the militia 
to execute the laws of the Union, sup- 
press insurrections, and repel invasions ; 

To provide for organizing, arming, and 
disciplining the militia, and for governing 
such part of them as may be employed in 
the service of the United States, reserving 
to the States respectively the appointment 
of the officers, and the authority of train- 
ing the militia according to the discipline 
prescribed by Congress ; 



Constitution of tbc TUnitefc States 29 

To exercise exclusive legislation in all 
cases whatsoever, over such district (not 
exceeding ten miles square) as may, by 
cession of particular States, and the ac- 
ceptance of Congress, become the seat of 
the Government of the United States, and 
to exercise like authority over all places 
purchased by the consent of the legisla- 
ture of the State in which the same shall 
be, for the erection of forts, magazines, 
arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful 
buildings ; and 

To make all laws which shall be neces- 
sary and proper for carrying into execu- 
tion the foregoing powers, and all other 
powers vested by this Constitution in the 
Government of the United States, or in 
any department or officer thereof. 

Sec. 9. The migration or importation 
of such persons as any of the States now 
existing shall think proper to admit, shall 
not be prohibited by the Congress prior 
to the year one thousand eight hundred 
and eight, but a tax or duty may be im- 
posed on such importation, not exceeding 
ten dollars for each person. 



30 Constitution of tbe TUniteD States 

The privilege of the writ of habeas 
corpus shall not be suspended, unless 
when in cases of rebellion or invasion 
the public safety may require it. 

No bill of attainder or ex-post-fado law 
shall be passed. 

No capitation, or other direct tax shall 
be laid, unless in proportion to the census 
or enumeration hereinbefore directed to 
be taken. 

No tax or duty shall be laid on articles 
exported from any State. 

No preference shall be given by any 
regulation of commerce or revenue to the 
ports of one State over those of another : 
nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one 
State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay 
duties in another. 

No money shall be drawn from the 
Treasury, but in consequence of appro- 
priations made by law ; and a regular 
statement and account of the receipts and 
the expenditures of all public money shall 
be published from time to time. 

No title of nobility shall be granted by 



Constitution ot tbe Ittnttefc States 31 

the United States ; and no person holding 
any office of profit or trust under them 
shall, without the consent of the Con- 
gress, accept of any present, emolument, 
office, or title, of any kind whatever, 
from any king, prince, or foreign state. 

Sec. 10. No State shall enter into any 
treaty, alliance, or confederation ; grant 
letters of marque and reprisal ; coin 
money ; emit bills of credit ; make any 
thing but gold and silver coin a tender in 
payment of debts ; pass any bill of 
attainder, ex-post-facto law, or law impair- 
ing the obligation of contracts, or grant 
any title of nobility. 

No State shall, without the consent of 
Congress, lay any imposts or duties on 
imports or exports, except what may be 
absolutely necessary for executing its 
inspection laws ; and the net produce of 
all duties and imposts, laid by any State 
on imports or exports, shall be for the use 
of the Treasury of the United States ; 
and all such laws shall be subject to the 
revision and control of the Congress. 



32 Constitution of tbe "United States 

No State shall, without the consent of 
Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep 
troops, or ships of war in time of peace, 
enter into any agreement or compact 
with another State, or with a foreign 
power, or engage in war, unless actually 
invaded, or in such imminent danger as 
will not admit of delay. 

ARTICIJ-: II. 

Scctio)i /. The executive power shall 
be vested in a President of the United 
vStates of America. lie shall hold his 

office during the term of four years, and, 
together with the Vice-President, chosen 

for the same term, be elected as follow- : 

Each State shall appoint, in such 

manner as the legislature thereof may 
direct, a number of electors, equal to the 
whole number oi Senator- and RepR 
tatives to which the State may be entitled 
ill the Congress : but no S r or 

Representative, or person hold: 
office of trust or profit under the Yv. 
States, shall be appointed an elector. 



Constitution of tbc THnitefc States 33 

[The electors shall meet in their 
respective States, and vote by ballot for 
two persons, of whom one at least shall 
not be an inhabitant of the same State 
with themselves. And they shall make a 
list of all the persons voted for, and of the 
number of votes for each ; which list they 
shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed 
to the seat of the Government of the 
United States, directed to the President 
of the Senate. The President of the 
Senate shall, in the presence of the 
Senate and the House of Representatives, 
open all the certificates, and the votes shall 
then be counted. The person having 
the greatest number of votes shall be the 
President, if such number be a majority 
of the whole number of electors ap- 
pointed ; and if there be more than one 
who have such majority, and have an 
equal number of votes, then the House of 
Representatives shall immediately choose 
by ballot one of them for President ; and 
if no person have a majority, then from 
the five highest on the list the said House 



34 Constitution of tbc Qnfted States 

shall in like manner choose the President. 
But in choosing the President, the votes 
shall be taken by States, the representa- 
tion from each State having one a 
quorum for this purpose shall consist of a 
member or members from two thirds of 
the States, and a majority of all the S 
shall be n iry to a choice. In even- 
case, after the choiceofthe President, the 

person having the greatest number of 

votes of the electors shall be the Y: 
President. Bat if there should remain 
two or m<>re who have equal VOteS, the 

Senate shall choose from thi ballot 

the Vice-President 

The Con. nay determine the time 

Of choosing the electors, and the day on 
which they shall give their VOteS : which 

day shall be the throughout the 

United Statu-. 

No person except a natural-h 

or a citizen of the V:: 

time of the adoption n{ t; ition, 

This clause in bf been supers 

by the Xllth Amendment. 



Constitution of tbe TUnitefc Statea 35 

shall be eligible to the office of President ; 
neither shall any person be eligible to 
that office who shall not have attained the 
age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen 
years a resident within the United States. 
In case of the removal of the President 

ifrom office, or of his death, resignation, 
or inability to discharge the powers and 
duties of the said office, the same shall 
devolve on the Vice-President, and the 
Congress may by law provide for the case 
of removal, death, resignation, or inabili- 
ty, both of the President and Vice-Presi- 
dent, declaring what officer shall then act 
as President, and such officer shall act 
accordingly, until the disability be re- 
moved, or a President shall be elected. 

The President shall, at stated times, 
receive for his services a compensation, 
which shall neither be increased nor di- 
minished during the period for which he 
shall have been elected, and he shall not 
receive within that period any other 
emolument from the United States, or any 
of them. 



36 Constitution ot tbc •Quitch States 



Before he enter on the execution of his 

office, he shall take the following oath or 
affirmation : 

" I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I 
will faithfully execute the office of Y 
dent of the United States, and will to the 
best of my ability, preser v e, protect, and 
defend the Constitution of the United 
States." 

Sec 2. The President shall be C 

mander-in-Chief of the Army and N 

of the United State-, and of the militia of 

the several States, when called into the 
actual service of the Unit ; he 

may require the opinion, in writing, of 
the principal officer in each of the ea 
tive departments, upon any sul 
ing to the duties of th 

and he shall have poi ieves 

and pardons forofi inst the United 

States, except in -.nient. 

lie shall have power, by and with the 
advice and consent ^i the & :iake 

treaties, provided two thirds of tk S 
tors present concur ; and he shall 



Constitution of tbe TUnttefc States 37 

nate, and by and with the advice and 
consent of the Senate, shall appoint am- 
bassadors, other public ministers and con- 
suls, judges of the Supreme Court, and 
all other officers of the United States, 
whose appointments are not herein other- 
wise provided for, and which shall be 
established by law ; but the Congress 
may by law vest the appointment of such 
inferior officers as they think proper, in 
the President alone, in the courts of laws, 
or in the heads of departments. 

The President shall have power to fill 
up all vacancies that may happen during 
the recess of the Senate, by granting com- 
missions which shall expire at the end 
of their next session. 

Sec. j. He shall from time to time 
give to the Congress information of the 
state of the Union, and recommend to their 
consideration such measures as he shall 
judge necessary and expedient ; he may, 
on extraordinary occasions, convene both 
houses, or either of them, and in case of 
disagreement between them, with respect 



33 Constitution of tbc United States 

to the time of adjournment, he may ad- 
journ them to such time as he shall think 
proper ; he shall receive ambassadors and 
other public ministers ; he shall take care 
that the laws be faithfully executed, and 
shall commission all the officers of the 
United State-. 

. /. The President. Yice-P- 
dent, and all civil officers of I 

States, shall be rem d office on 

impeachment for, and CO ttvi ctioil of, 

treason, bribery, <>r other high cria 
misdemeanors. 

aktici.i: hi. 
Section i. The judicial pov. the 

United Stal dl be • 

preme Court, and in such in:- airts 

as the Congress DD "'. I D to time 

ordain and establish. The judges, both 

of the Supreme and infa -hall 

hold their offices during good lx 

and shall, at stated times, i for 

their services a compensation, which - 



Constitution of tbe tainted States 39 

not be diminished during their continu- 
ance in office. 

Sec. 2. The judicial power shall ex- 
tend to all cases, in law and equity, 
arising under this Constitution, the laws 
of the United States, and treaties made, 
or which shall be made, under their 
authority ; to all cases affecting ambassa- 
dors, other public ministers, and consuls ; 
to all cases of admiralty and maritime 
jurisdiction ; to controversies to which 
the United States shall be a party ; to 
controversies between two or more States ; 
between a State and citizens of another 
State ; between citizens of different States ; 
between citizens of the same State 
claiming lands under grants of different 
States ; and between a State, or the citi- 
zens thereof, and foreign states, citizens, 
or subject-. 

In all cases affecting ambassadors, 
other public ministers, and consuls, and 
those in which a State shall be a party, 
the Supreme Court shall have original 
jurisdiction. In all the other cases be- 



40 Constitution of tbe Vlnfted States 

fore mentioned, the Supreme Court shall 
have appellate jurisdiction, both as to 
law and fact, with such exceptions and 
under such regulations as the Congress 
shall make. 

The trial < >f all crimes, except in cases of 
impeachment, shall be by jury ; and such 
trial shall be held in the Si where the 
said crimes shall have been committed j 
but when not committed within any State, 
the trial shall be at such place or places as 
the Cor. may by law fa 

inst the 
States shall consist only in U war 

against them, or in adhering to their 
enemies, giving them aid an .fort. 

Xo person shall be convicted of treason 

unless on the testimony of two witnesses 
to the same overt ad ^sion in 

open court. 

The Congress shall have power to de- 
clare the punishment of t: but no 
attainder oi treason shall w ruption 
of blood, or forfeiture, except during the 
life oi the | attainted. 



Constitution of tbe TOnitefe States 41 

ARTICLE IV. 

Section 1. Full faith and credit shall 
be given in each State to the public acts, 
records, and judicial proceedings of every 
other State. And the Congress may by 
general laws prescribe the manner in 
which such acts, records, and proceedings 
shall be proved, and the effect thereof. 

Sec. 2. The citizens of each State 
shall be entitled to all privileges and im- 
munities of citizens in the several States. 

A person charged in any State with 
treason, felony, or other crime, who shall 
flee from justice, and be found in another 
State, shall, on demand of the executive 
authority of the State from which he fled, 
be delivered up, to be removed to the 
State having jurisdiction of the crime. 

No person held to service or labor in 
one State, under the laws thereof, escap- 
ing into another, shall, in consequence of 
any law or regulation therein, be dis- 
charged from such service or labor, but 
shall be delivered up on claim of the party 
to whom such sendee or labor may be due. 



42 Constitution of tbe United States 

Sec. j. New States may be admitted 
by the Congress into this Union ; but no 
new State shall be formed or erected 
within the jurisdiction of any other State ; 
nor any State be formed by the junction 
of two or more States, or parts of Stat 
without the consent of the legislatures of 
the vStates concerned as well as of the 
Congress. 

The Congress shall have power to dis- 
pose of and make all needful rules and 
regulations respecting the territory or 

other proper ty Kl to the Unit 

States; and nothing in this Constitute 
shall be si to prejudice any 

claims of the United States, or of any par- 
ticular State. 

Sec, /. The United States shall guar- 
antee to every State in t'. a 
republican form of government, and shall 

protect each oi them against invasion ; 
and on applicat E the legislature, or 

of the executive I when the legislate 
cannot be convene 

violence. 



Constitution of tbe IHniteD States 43 

ARTICLE V. 

The Congress, whenever two thirds of 
both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall 
propose amendments to this Constitution, 
or, on the application of the legislatures 
of two thirds of the several States, shall 
call a convention for proposing amend- 
ments, which, in either case, shall be 
valid to all intents and purposes, as part 
of this Constitution, when ratified by the 
legislatures of three fourths of the several 
States, or by conventions in three fourths 
thereof, as the one or the other mode of 
ratification may be proposed by the Con- 
gress ; provided that no amendments 
which may be made prior to the year one 
thousand eight hundred and eight shall 
in any manner affect the first and fourth 
clauses in the ninth section of the first 
article ; and that no State, without its 
consent, shall be deprived of its equal 
suffrage in the Senate. 

ARTICLE VI. 

All debts contracted and engagements 
entered into, before the adoption of this 



44 Constitution of tbe United Stated 

Constitution, shall be as valid against 
the United States under this Constitution, 
as under the Confederation. 

This Constitution, and the laws of the 
United States which shall be made in 
pursuance thereof; and all t: made, 

or which shall be made, under the author- 
ity of the United shall be the 
supreme law of the land ; and the judges 

in every State shall be bound thereby, 
any thing in the constitution or laws of 
any Statu b > the o >ntrary n< ttwithstandin 

The Senator- and ! be- 

fore mentioned, and the members of the 

Several State legislatures, and all the ex- 
ecutive and judicial officers, both of ti 

United State- and of the Several S 

shall be bound, by oath or affirmation, to 
support this Constitution; but no i 
ligious test shall ever be requ 
qualification to any office or public 
under the United States. 

aktici.i: VII. 
The ratification of the convent- 
nine States shall be sufficient for the 



Constitution of tbc TUniteD States 45 

tablishment of this Constitution between 
the States so ratifying the same.* 



ARTICLES IN ADDITION TO, AND AMEND- 
MENT OF, THE CONSTITUTION OF THE 
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, PRO- 
POSED BY CONGRESS, AND RATIFIED BY 
THE LEGISLATURES OF THE SEVERAL 
STATES PURSUANT TO THE FIFTH AR- 
TICLE OF THE ORIGINAL CONSTITU- 
TION, f 

ARTICLE I. 

Congress shall make no law respecting 
an establishment of religion, or prohibit- 
ing the free exercise thereof ; or abridging 
the freedom of speech, or of the press ; or 

* The text and punctuation of the Constitu- 
tion, as above, conform to the document in the 
custody of the State Department, 

| The first ten amendments to the Constitu- 
tion were proposed to the legislatures of the 
several States by the First Congress on the 25th 
of September, 17S9, and were ratified by the 
States between that date and December 15, 1791. 
There is no evidence on the journals of Con- 
gress that the legislatures of Connecticut, 
Georgia, and Massachusetts ratified them. 



46 Constitution of tbe United States 

the right of the people peaceably to as- 
semble, and to petition the Government 
for a redress of grievances. 

ARTICLE II. 

A well regulated militia, being neces- 
sary to the security of a free state, the 
right of the people to keep and bear arms 

shall not be infringed. 

AKTICIJ-: III. 

No soldier shall, in time of peace, be 
quartered in any house, without the con- 
sent of the owner, nor in the time of war, 
but in a manner to be prescribed by I 

aktici.k iy. 
The right of the people to be secure in 
their persons, houses, papers, and 
against unreasonable nd seiz- 

ures, shall not be violated, and no war- 
rants shall issue, but upon | Le cause, 

supported by oath or affirmation, and 
particularly describing the place to be 

searched, and the person or thing 

seized. 






Constitution of tbe TUnitefc States 47 

article v. 
No person shall be held to answer for 
a capital, or otherwise infamous, crime, 
unless on a presentment or indictment of 
a grand jury, except in cases arising in 
the land or naval forces, or in the militia, 
when in actual service in time of war or 
public danger ; nor shall any person be 
subject for the same offence to be twice 
put in jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall 
be compelled in any criminal case to be a 
witness against himself, nor be deprived 
of life, liberty, or property, without due 
process of law ; nor shall private property 
be taken for public use without just com- 
pensation. 

ARTICLE VI. 
In all criminal prosecutions the accused 
shall enjoy the right to a speedy and 
public trial, by an impartial jury of the 
State and district wherein the crime shall 
have been committed, which district shall 
have been previously ascertained by law, 
and to be informed of the nature and 



4§ Constitution of tbc United States 

cause of the accusation ; to be confronted 
with the witnc gainst him ; to have 

compulsory process for obtaining wit- 
nesses in his favor, and to have the 
assistance of counsel for his defence. 

ARTIeLK VII. 

In suits at common law, where the 
value in controversy shall exceed tw 
dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be 

preserved, and no fact tried jury 

shall be otherwise reexamined in any 

court ( >f the I Fnit* cording 
to the rules of the common law. 

akticu: VIII. 
Excessive bail should notberequii 

nor excessive fines in . n< >r cruel and 

unusual punishments indicted. 

AKTICI.K IX. 

The enumeration in the Constitut: 
of certain rights, shall not be construed 
to deny or disparage others retained by 
the people. 



Constitution of tbe TUnitefc States 49 

article x. 

The powers not delegated to the United 
States by the Constitution, nor prohibited 
by it to the States, are reserved to the 
States respectively, or to the people. 

ARTICLE XI. 

The judicial power of the United States 
shall not be construed to extend to any 
suit in law or equity, commenced or pros- 
ecuted against one of the United States 
by citizens of another State, or by citizens 
or subjects of any foreign state.* 

ARTICLE XII. 

The electors shall meet in their re- 
spective States, and vote by ballot for 
President and Vice-President, one of 
whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant 

* The Eleventh Amendment was proposed to 
the legislatures of the several States by the 
Third Congress, on the 5th of vSeptember, 1794, 
and was declared, in a message from the Presi- 
dent to Congress, dated the 8th of January, 
1798, to have been ratified by the legislatures 
of three fourths of the States. 



50 Constitution of tbe TaniteO States 

of the same State with themselves ; they 
shall name in their ballots the person 
voted for as President, and in distinct bal- 
lots the person voted for as Vice-Presi- 
dent, and they shall make distinct lists of 
all persons voted for as President, and of 
all persons voted for as Vice-President, 
and of the number of votes for each, 
which lists they shall sign and certify, 
and transmit sealed to the seat of the 
Government of the United State-. <lii\ 

to the President of the Senate. The 

President of the Senate shall, in the 
presence of the Senate and House of 

Representatives, open all the certifu 
and the votes shall then be counted. The 
person having the greatest number of 
votes for President, shall be the 1 
dent, if such number be a maj< f the 

whole number of elector- appointed ; and 
if no person have SUCh majority, I 
from the person- having the highest num- 
bers not exceeding three on the list of 
those voted for as President, the House 
of Representatives shall choose imme- 



Constitution ot tbe TUnitefc States 51 

diately, by ballot, the President. But in 
choosing the President, the votes shall be 
taken by States, the representation from 
each State having one vote ; a quorum 
for this purpose shall consist of a mem- 
ber or members from two thirds of the 
States, and a majority of all the States 
shall be necessary to a choice. And if 
the House of Representatives shall not 
choose a President, whenever the right of 
choice shall devolve upon them, before the 
fourth day of March next following, then 
the Vice-President shall act as President, 
as in the case of the death or other con- 
stitutional disability of the President. 

The person having the greatest number 
of votes as Vice-President, shall be the 
Vice-President, if such number be a ma- 
jority of the whole number of electors 
appointed, and if no person have a ma- 
jority, then from the two highest num- 
bers on the list, the Senate shall choose 
the Vice-President ; a quorum for the 
purpose shall consist of two thirds of the 
whole number of Senators, and a majority 



52 Constitution of tbc 'UmteO States 

of the whole number shall be necessary to 
a choice. But no person constitutionally 
ineligible to the office of President shall 
be eligible to that of Vice-President of 
the United States 

articij; XIII. 

Section /. Neither slavery nor in 
untary servitude, except as a punishn 

for crime whereof the party shall have 

been duly convicted, shall * within 
the United ct to 

their jurisdiction. 

38 shall have power to 
enforce this article I >ropriate legis- 

lation."!" 

The Twelfth Am 
the Legislatures of the 
Eighth Conj 

in Lien of the original third paragrai 
Section [. of I i" 8 

proclamation of tin 
the 25th 

fied by the legislattu :" the 

States, 

f The Thirteenth Amendment 1 «>se<l 

to the Legislatm 1 y the 

Thirty-eighth 



Constitution ot tbe 'UniteD States 53 

ARTICLE XIV. 

Sectioyi i. All persons born or natu- 
ralized in the United States, and subject 
to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of 
the United States and of the State where- 
in they reside. No State shall make or 
enforce any law which shall abridge the 
privileges or immunities of citizens of the 
United States ; nor shall any State de- 
prive any person of life, liberty, or prop- 
erty, without due process of law ; nor 
deny to any person within its jurisdiction 
the equal protection of the laws. 

Sec. 2. Representatives shall be ap- 
portioned among the several States ac- 
cording to their respective numbers, 

1865, and was declared, in a proclamation of the 
Secretary of State, dated the [8th of December, 
1S65, to "have been ratified by the legislatures of 
twenty-seven of the thirty-six States, viz.: Illi- 
nois, Rhode Island, Michigan, Maryland, New 
York, West Virginia, Maine, Kansas, Massachu- 
setts, Pennsylvania, Virginia, Ohio, Missouri, 
Nevada, Indiana, Louisiana, Minnesota, Wis- 
consin, Vermont, Tennessee, Arkansas, Con- 
necticut, New Hampshire, South Carolina, 
Alabama, North Carolina, and Georgia. 



54 Constitution ot tbe 'United States 

counting the whole number of persons 
in each State, excluding Indians not 
taxed. But when the right to vote at 
any election for the choice of electors for 
President and Vice-President of the 
United States, Representatives in Con- 
gress, the executive and judicial officers 
of the State, or the members of the legis- 
lature thereof, is denied to any of the 
male inhabitants of such State, being 
twenty-one years of age, and citizens of 
the United Stales, or in any way abridged, 
except for participation in rebellion, or 
other crime, the basis of representation 
therein shall be reduced in thepropo: 
which the number of such male citizens 
shall bear to the whole number of male 
citizens twenty-* >ne years of age in - 
State. 

Sec 3. No person shall Senator 

or Representative in Congress, or elector 
of President and Vice-President, or hold 
any office, civil or military, under the 
United States, or under any State, \ 
having previously taken an oath, 



Constitution ot tbe tanitefc States 55 

member of Congress, or as an officer of 
the United States, or as a member of any 
State legislature, or as an executive or 
judicial officer of any State, to support 
the Constitution of the United States, 
shall have engaged in insurrection or 
rebellion against the same, or given 
aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. 
But Congress may, by a vote of two 
thirds of each House, remove such disa- 
bility. 

Sec. 4.. The validity of the public 
debt of the United States, authorized by 
law, including debts incurred for pay- 
ment of pensions and bounties for services 
in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, 
shall not be questioned. But neither the 
United States nor any State shall assume 
or pay any debt or obligation incurred in 
aid of insurrection or rebellion against 
the United States, or any claim for the 
loss or emancipation of any slave ; but all 
such debts, obligations, and claims shall 
be held illegal and void. 

Sec. 5. The Congress shall have power 



56 Constitution of tbc Hutted Stated 

to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the 
provisions of this article 

ARTICLE XV. 

Section i . The right of citizens of the 
United States to vote shall not be denied 
or abridged by the United States or any 
vState on account of race, color, or prev 
condition of servitude. 

Sec. 2. The Congress shall have power 
to enforce this article by appropriate b 

lation."!" 

* The 1 osed 

to the legislatures oi t". y the 

Thirty-ninth O of June. 

On the 28th "f jnlj . 

of State- issued a pi that 

this amendment had Km ied by I 

latmvs ni tli i rt \ of the thh 

| The Fifteenth Amendment was pn • 
the- Legislatures of tin y the 

Fortieth Congress, on the 17th 1 

. and was declared, in a | 
the Secretary lated Man b 

have been ratified by tn 
nine of the thirty-seven 



WASHINGTON'S CIRCULAR LETTER OF 

CONGRATULATION AND ADVICE TO 

THE GOVERNORS OF THE 

THIRTEEN STATES 



WASHINGTON'S CIRCULAR LETTER OF 

CONGRATULATION AND ADVICE TO 

THE GOVERNORS OF THE 

THIRTEEN STATES.* 



Head-quarters, Newburg, June 18, 1783. 

SIR : — The great object for which I had 
the honor to hold an appointment in 
the service of my country being accom- 
plished, I am now preparing to resign it 
into the hands of Congress, and return to 
that domestic retirement which, it is well 
known, I left with the greatest reluctance ; 
a retirement for which I have never ceased 
to sigh through a long and painful ab- 
sence, in which (remote from the noise 
and trouble of the world) I meditate to 
pass the remainder of life in a state of 
undisturbed repose ; but, before I carry 
this resolution into effect, I think it a 
* See Appendix, page 189. 



62 Georcje TXlasbincitcn 

are not only surrounded with even* thing 
that can contribute to the completion of 
private and domestic enjoyment, but 
heaven has crowned all its other bless- 
ings by giving a surer opportunity for 
political happiness than any other nation 
has ever been favored with. Nothing can 
illustrate these observations more forcibly 
than the recollection of the happy 
juncture of times and circum- l un- 

der which our republic assume rank 

anion-- tlie nations. The .lion of 

our empire was not laid in a gloomy age 
of ignorance and superstition, but at an 
epoch when the lights of mankind \ 
better understood and nr irly defined 

than at any former period : rches of 

the human mind after soeial happL 
have been carried to :it ; the 

treasures of knowledge acquired by the 
Labors of philosophers ind legi 

tors, through a Long si: 

are laid open for us. and the: 

wisdom may be happily applied in the 

establishment oi our forms of govern- 



Xetter of Congratulation anD 'Rbvice 63 

ment ; the free cultivation of letters, the 
unbounded extension of commerce, the 
progressive refinement of manners, the 
growing liberality of sentiment, and, 
above all, the pure and benign light of 
revelation, have had a meliorating in- 
fluence on mankind, and increased the 
blessings of society. At this auspicious 
period the United States came into exist- 
ence as a nation, and if their citizens 
should not be completely free and happy, 
the fault will be entirely their own. 

Such is our situation, and such are 
our prospects ; but notwithstanding the 
cup of blessing is thus reached out to us 
— notwithstanding happiness is ours, if 
we have a disposition to seize the occasion, 
and make it our own ; yet, it appears to 
me, there is an option still left to the 
United States of America, whether they 
will be respectable and prosperous or con- 
temptible and miserable as a nation. 
This is the time of their political proba- 
tion ; this is the moment when the eyes 
of the world are turned upon them ; this 



64 George WAasbfngton 

is the time to establish or ruin their na- 
tional character forever ; this is the 
favorable time to give such a tone to 
the federal government as will enable 
it to answer the end- of ll itution ; 

or this may be the ill-fated moment for 
relaxing the powers of the nation, an- 
nihilating the cement of the confed 
tion, and exposing us to become the sport 
of European politics, which may play one 

state against another to prevent their 
growing importance, and to their 

own interested ptu rding 

to the system of policy the si ' - shall 
adopt at this moment, they will stand or 

fall ; and. by their confirmation or la] 
it IS yet to be decided whether the revo- 
lution must ultimately be o red as a 
blessing or a corse ; a I for a a 
not to the present 

fate will the destiny of unborn millions be 
involved. 

With this conviction of the import- 
ance of the present crisis, silence in me 
would be B crime. I will tfa 



Xetter of Congratulation anfc ftbvice 65 

speak to your Excellency the language 
of freedom and sincerity, without dis- 
guise. I am aware, however, those who 
differ from me in political sentiments 
may perhaps remark, I am stepping out 
of the proper line of my duty ; and they 
may possibly ascribe to arrogance or os- 
tentation what I know is alone the result 
of the purest intention ; but the rectitude 
of my own heart, which disdains such 
unworthy motives — the part I have hith- 
erto acted in life — the determination I 
have formed of not taking any share in 
public business hereafter — the ardent de- 
sire I feel and shall continue to mani- 
fest, of quietly enjoying in private life, 
after all the toils of war, the benefits of 
a wise and liberal government — will, I 
flatter myself, sooner or later, convince 
my countrymen that I could have no 
sinister views in delivering, with so little 
reserve, the opinions contained in this 
Address. 

There are four things which I humbly 
conceive are essential to the well-being, 



66 George XUasbtngten 

I may even venture to say, to the exist- 
ence of the United States, as an indepen- 
dent power : 

ist. — An indissoluble union of the 
states under one federal head. 

2iidly. — A sacred regard to public jus- 
tice. 

3rdly. — The adoption of a proper peace 
establishment, And. 

4thly. — The prevalence of that pacific 
and friendly disposition among the peo- 
ple of the Unite which will in- 
duce them to forget their local prejudices 
and policies make those mutual con- 
ions which are requisite to the gen 

prosperity, and. in some instances, to 
rifice their individual advantages to the 

interest of the community. 

These are the pillars on which the 
glorious fabric of our independency and 
national character must be BUppoi 
Liberty is the basis, and whoever would 

dare to sap the foundation, or overturn 
the struct are, under whatever specious 
pretext he may attempt it, will merit the 



Xetter of Congratulation anD BDvtce 67 

bitterest execration and the severest pun- 
ishment which can be inflicted by his in- 
jured country. 

On the three first articles I will make 
a few observations, leaving the last to the 
good sense and serious consideration of 
those immediately concerned. 

Under the first head, although it may 
not be necessary or proper for me in this 
place to enter into a particular disquisi- 
tion of the principals of the union, and 
to take up the great question which has 
been frequently agitated, whether it be 
expedient and requisite for the states to 
delegate a large proportion of power to 
Congress, or not ; yet it will be a part of 
my duty, and that of every true patriot, 
to assert, without reserve, and to insist 
upon the following positions. That un- 
less the states will suffer Congress to 
exercise those prerogatives they are un- 
doubtedly invested with by the constitu- 
tion, every thing must very rapidly tend 
to anarchy and confusion. — That it is 
indispensable to the happiness of the 



68 George VHa*bUt0toti 

individual states, that there should be 
lodged, somewhere, a supreme power, 
to regulate and govern the general con- 
cerns of the confederated republic, with- 
out which the union cannot be of long 
duration. — That there must be a faith- 
ful and pointed compliance on the part 
of even- state with the late 3 and 

demands of Congress, <»r the 

consequences will ensue. That whatever 
measures have a tendency I Ive the 

union, <»r contribute - Lite i : 

so v ere i gn authorit ight to be con 

ered as hostile to the liberty and inch 

dency of Ajneri authors of 

them treated I] , And las 

that UnleSS we Can be enabled by the 
concurrence of the - to pjrtie: 

of the fruits of the revolution, and ei 
the essential be. vil sck 

under a form of governing 
uncorrupted, so fa 

the danger o( opj a, as has been de- 

vised and adopted by the articles of 

federation, it will ot re. 



Xetter of Congratulation anD BDvice 69 

that so much blood and treasure have 
been lavished for no purpose ; that so 
many sufferings have been encountered 
without a compensation, and so many 
sacrifices have been made in vain. Many 
other considerations might here be ad- 
duced to prove, that without an entire 
conformity to the spirit of the union, we 
cannot exist as an independent power. 
It will be sufficient for my purpose to 
mention but one or two, which seem to 
me of the greatest importance. It is only 
in our united character, as an empire, 
that our independence is acknowledged, 
that our power can be regarded, or our 
credit supported among foreign nations. 
The treaties of the European powers with 
the United States of America, will have 
no validity on the dissolution of the 
union. We shall be left nearly in a 
state of nature ; or we may find, by our 
own unhappy experience, that there is a 
natural and necessary progression from 
the extreme of anarchy to the extreme 
of tyrrany ; and that arbitrary power is 



7o George tUasbitnitcn 

most easily established on the ruins of 
liberty abused to licentiousness. 

As to the second article, which respects 
the performance of public justice, Con- 
gress have, in their late Ad to the 
United States, almost exhausted the sub- 
ject ; they have explained their id 
fully, and have enforced the obligati 
the States arc under to render eoinpl 

justice to all the public creditors, with 
much dignity and in my 

opinion, no real friend to the h< ,nd 

independency i >f Amu 
single moment ting the propria 

of complying with the just and honour- 
able measur If their 
ments do not produce ootr a, I know 
of nothing that will have greater influ- 
ence, especially when we reflect that the 
system referred to, being the result of; 

collected wisdom of the continent, must 
be esteemed, if not p< certainly tl 

least objectionable of any that could be 
devised ; and that if it should not be 

carried into immediate executi oa- 



Xetter of Congratulation anfc Ubvice 71 

tional bankruptcy, with all its deplorable 
consequences, will take place before any 
different plan can possibly be proposed 
or adopted ; so pressing are the present 
circumstances, and such is the alternative 
now offered to the states. 

The ability of the country to discharge 
the debts which have been incurred in 
its defence is not to be doubted. An 
inclination, I flatter myself, will not be 
wanting ; the path of our duty is plain 
before us ; honesty will be found, on every 
experiment, to be the best and only true 
policy. Let us then, as a nation, be just ; 
let us fulfil the public contracts which 
Congress had undoubtedly a right to 
make for the purpose of carrying on the 
war, with the same good faith we suppose 
ourselves bound to perform our private 
engagements. In the meantime let our 
attention to the cheerful performance 
of their proper business, as individuals, 
and as members of society, be earnestly 
inculcated on the citizens of America ; 
then will they strengthen the bands of 



72 George tUasbiiniten 

government, and be happy under its 
protection. Even- one will reap the 
fruit of his labours ; even' one will en; 
his own acquisitions, without molestati 
and without danger. 

In this state of absolute freedom and 
perfect security, who will grudge to yield 
a very little of his pio p eit y to support 
the common interests of society, and en- 
sure the protection of government ? Who 
does not remember the frequent ra- 

tions at tlie commencement of the war. 
that we should l>e completely 
the expense of one half, we 
the remainder of our poss< P Where 

IS the man t<> he found, who 9 to 

remain indebted f>r the defence of I 
own person and property at the* 

the b ravery, and the Mood of ot 
without making one geneTOUS effort to 

pay the debt of honour and ofgratitud 

In what part ^i the continent shall we 
find any man. orbndy of men, who would 
not blush to I propose DK 

ares purposely calculat the soldier 



^Letter of Congratulation anfc Sfcvice 73 

of his stipend, and the public creditor of 
his due ? And were it possible that such 
a flagrant instance of injustice could ever 
happen, would it not excite the general 
indignation and tend to bring down upon 
the authors of such measures, the ag- 
gravated vengeance of heaven ? If, after 
all, a spirit of disunion, or a temper of 
obstinacy and perverseness should mani- 
fest itself in any of the states ; if such 
an ungracious disposition should attempt 
to frustrate all the happy effects that 
might be expected to flow from the 
Union ; if there should be a refusal to 
comply with the requisitions for funds to 
discharge the annual interest of the public 
debts, and if that refusal should revive all 
those jealousies, and produce all those 
evils which are now happily removed — 
Congress, who have in all their transac- 
tions shewn a great degree of magnanimi- 
ty and justice, will stand justified in the 
sight of God and man ! And that State 
alone, which puts itself in opposition to 
the aggregate wisdom of the continent, 



74 George tUasbincrtcn 

and follows such mistaken and pernicious 
councils, will be responsible for all the 
consequences. 

For my own part, conscious of hav- 
ing acted, while a servant of the public, 
in the manner I conceived best suited 
to promote the real int of my 

country; having, in consequence of my 

fixed belief, in some measure, pled 
myself to the army, that their country 
would finally do them complete and 

ample justi ad not willing to 
ceal any instance of my official conduct 

from the eyes of the v. I have 

thought proper t<> transmit to ; 
excellency the incl a of 

papers, relative t<> the half-pay and 

commutation grantl 

the officers of tl rmy: from t 

communications. m\ seiiti: 

will be clearly i bended, tog* 

with the COncluS which in- 

duced me at an early p 
mend the adoption ofthi D the 

most earnest and s 



Xetter of Congratulation anD !HfcY>tce 75 

proceedings of Congress, the army, and 
myself, are open to all, and contain, in 
my opinion, sufficient information to re- 
move the prejudice and errors which 
may have been entertained by any, I 
think it unnecessary to say any thing 
more, than just to observe, that the res- 
olutions of Congress, now alluded to, are 
undoubtedly and absolutely binding upon 
the United States as the most solemn acts 
of confederation or legislation. 

As to the idea, which I am informed, 
has in sonic instances prevailed, that the 
half-pay and commutation are to be re- 
garded merely in the odious light of a 
pension, it ought to be exploded forever : 
that provision should be reviewed, as it 
really was, a reasonable compensation 
offered by Congress, at a time when they 
had nothing else to give to officers of the 
army, for services then to be performed : 
it was the only means to prevent a total 
deriliction of the service ; it was part of 
their hire. I may be allowed to say, it 
was the price of their blood, and of your 



76 George XUasbinqton 

independency ; it is therefore more than 
a common debt, it is a debt of honour ; 
it can never be considered as a pension or 
gratuity, nor cancelled until it is fairly 
discharged. 

With regard to the distinction between 
officers and soldier-, it :xient thai 

the uniform experience of ev ^tior 

of the world combined with our own 

proves the utility and propriety of th* 

discrimination. Rev. in proportion 

to the aid the public db 

are unquestionably due to all 

vanis. [nsome lines, the have 

perhaps generally h 

sation for their the I 

bounties which have been paid t<> them, 

as their officers will n> in the 

posed commutation ; in 

the donation of land, the | 

rearages ofcloathi n which 

article all the component irmy 

must be put upon the same foot: 

take into the estimate, the bounties many 
of the soldiers have recei and the 



Xetter of Congratulation anfc B<>\nce 77 

gratuity of one year's full pay, which is 
promised to all, possibly their situation 
(every circumstance being duly consid- 
ered) will not be deemed less legible than 
that of the officers. Should a farther re- 
ward, however, be judged equitable, I 
will venture to assert, no man will enjoy 
greater satisfaction than myself, in an 
exemption from taxes for a limited time 
(which has been petitioned for in some 
instances) or any other adequate immu- 
nity or compensation granted to the brave 
defenders of their countrie's cause : but 
neither the adoption or rejection of this 
proposition will, in any manner affect, 
much less militate against the act of Con- 
gress, by which they have offered five 
years full pay, in lieu of the half pay for 
life, which had been before promised to 
the officers of the army. 

Before I conclude the subject on public 
justice, I cannot omit to mention the ob- 
ligations this country is under to that 
meritorious class of veterans, the non- 
commissioned officers and privates, who 



78 George lUasbington 

have been discharged for inability, in eon- 
sequence of the resolution of Congress, 
of the 23d of April, 1782, on an annual 
pension for life. Their peculiar suffer- 

5, their singular merits and dais 
that provision need only to be known, 
to interest the feelings of humanity in 
their behalf. Nothing but a punctual 
payment of their annual allowance can 

lie them from the mos 
misery; and nothin Id be a more 

melancholy sight, tl behold t" 

who have shed their blood, or lost their 
limbs in the e of their country, 

without a shelter, without 
without the 1: 

the comforts "i* nea - of life, com- 

pelled to beg their dail; om door 

to door. Suffer me tmmend tl 

of this description, belonging I 

state, to the v. 

excellency and your Legislattu 
It is necessary to say but a few w 

the third topic which v. and 

which regards particularly I 



Xetter of Congratulation ant> Bfcvuce 79 

the republic. As there can be little doubt 
but Congress will recommend a proper 
peace establishment for the United States, 
in which a due attention w r ill be paid to 
the importance of placing the militia of 
the union upon a regular and respectable 
footing ; if this should be the case, I 
should beg leave to urge the great ad- 
vantage of it in the strongest terms. 

The militia of this country must be 
considered as the palladium of our se- 
curity, and the first effectual resort in 
case of hostility ; it is essential, there- 
fore, that the same system should pervade 
the whole, that the formation and disci- 
pline of the militia of the continent should 
be absolutely uniform ; and the same spe- 
cies of arms, accoutrements, and military 
apparatus, should be introduced in every 
part of the United States. No one, who 
has not learned it from experience, can 
conceive the difficulty, expense, and con- 
fusion which result from a contrary sys- 
tem, or the vague arrangements which 
have hitherto prevailed. 



80 George lUasbiinitcn 

If, in treating of political points, a 
greater latitude than usual has been 
taken in the course of this Address, the 
importance of the crisis and the magni- 
tude of the objects in discussion, must be 
my apology ; it is, however, neither my 
wish nor expectation, that the | ding 
observations should claim any regard, 
except so far as they shall appear to be 
dictated by a good intention; consonant 

to the immutable rul dcu- 

lated to pr riuce a liberal system of policy, 
and founded onwhatevi may 

have been acquired by a Long and close 

attention to public business. Here I 
might Speak with more confidence, : 
my actual I : and if it WOUld 

not swell this letter (already too prolix) 
beyond the bounds I had prescribed my« 

Self, I could deu: very mind, 

open to conviction, that in less time, and 
with much less se than had been 

incurred, the war mi] at to 

the same happy oonclusL the re- 



Xetter of Congratulation anfc BDvuce Si 

sources of the continent could have been 
properly called forth ; that the distresses 
and disappointments which have very 
often occurred, have, in too many in- 
stances, resulted more from a want of en- 
ergy in the continental government, than 
a deficiency of means in the particular 
States : that the inefficacy of the meas- 
ures, arising from the want of an adequate 
authority in the supreme power, from a 
partial compliance with the requisitions 
of Congress in some of the states, and 
from a failure of punctuality in others, 
while they tended to damp the zeal of 
those who were more willing to exert 
themselves, served also to accumulate the 
expenses of war, and to frustrate the best 
concerted plans ; and that the discourage- 
ment occasioned by the complicated diffi- 
culties and embarrassments, in which our 
affairs were by this means involved, would 
have long ago produced the dissolution 
of any army, less patient, less virtuous, 
and less persevering than that which I 



82 George XUasbington 

have had the honour to command. But 
while I mention those things, which are 
notorious facts, as the defects of our 
federal constitution, particularly in the 
prosecution of a war. I beg it may be 
understood, that as I have ever taken a 
pleasure in gratefully acknowledging the 
lance and -upport I have derived from 
every class of citizens ; so shall I alv. 
be happy to do justice to the unparal'. 
exertions of the individual states, on many 
interesting o 

I have thus freely disclosed what I 
wished to make known before I BUT 
dered Up my public trust to those who 

committed it to me: the ta now 

accomplished I now I lieutoyour 

excellency, as the chief magistrate of 

your state ; at the same time I bid a 
farewell to the cai I I all the 

employments ^t public li 

It remains, then, to be my final and 
only request, that j 
communicate Uk itiments to vour 






Xetter of Congratulation anD Bfcvuce 83 

legislature, at their next meeting, and 
that they may be considered as the legacy 
of one who has ardently wished, on all 
occasions, to be useful to his country, and 
who, even in the shade of retirement, will 
not fail to implore the divine benediction 
upon it. 

I now make it my earnest prayer, that 
God would have you, and the state over 
which you preside, in his holy protection ; 
that He would incline the hearts of the 
citizens to cultivate a spirit of subordina- 
tion and obedience to the government ; 
to entertain a brotherly affection and love 
for one another, for their fellow-citizens 
of the United States at large ; and par- 
ticularly for their bretheren who have 
served in the field ; and finally, that He 
would most graciously be pleased to dis- 
pose us all to do justice, to love mercy, 
and to demean ourselves with that charity, 
humility, and pacific temper of the mind, 
which were the characteristics of the 
divine author of our blessed religion ; 



84 George XUasbtngton 



without an humble imitation of whose 
example, in these things, we can never 
hope to be a happy nation. 

I have the honour to be, with much 
esteem and respect. >ir. your excellency's 
most obedient, and most humble servant, 

G. Washington. 



o^rS; 




WASHINGTON'S INAUGURAL 
ADDRESS 



' 
















feiPS 












INAUGURAL ADDRESS * 



NEW YORK CITY APRIL 30, 1 789. 



CELLOW-CITIZEXS of the Senate, 
' and of the House of Representa- 
tives. — Among the vicissitudes incident 
to life, no event could have filled me with 
greater anxieties, than that of which the 
notification was transmitted by your or- 
der, and received on the fourteenth day 
of the present month. Or he one hand, 
I was summoned by my country, whose 
voice I can never hear but with venera- 
tion and love, from a retreat which I had 
chosen with the fondest predilection, and 
in my flattering hopes with an immutable 
* See Appendix, page 195. 



88 George tUasbiinitcn 

decision as the asylum of my declining 
years;* a retreat which was rendered 
even- day more necessary, as well as 
more dear to me, by the addition of habit 
to inclination, and of frequent interrup- 
tions in my health to the gradual waste 
committed on it by time. On the other 
hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the 

trust, to which the voice of my country 
called me, being sufficient to waken in 
the wisest and most experienced of her 
citizens a di strustfu l scrutiny into his 
qualifications, could ut overwhelm 

with despondence one, who, inheriting 
inferior endowments m nature, and 

Unpractised in the duties of civil adminis- 
tration, ought to be peculiarly conscious 
()[ his own deficiencies. In this conflict 
of emotions, all I that it has 

been my faithful study to o my duty 

from a just appro ^l every circum- 

stance by which it might be affected. 
All I dare hope is, that if, in executing 
this task, I have been too much 

by a grateful remembrance of former in- 



•ffnaugural Bfcfcress s 9 

stances, or by an affectionate sensibility 
to this transcendent proof of the confi- 
dence of my fellow-citizens, and have 
thence too little consulted my incapacity 
as well as disinclination for the weighty 
and untried cares before me, my error 
will be palliated by the motives which 
misled me, and its consequences be 
judged by my country with some share of 
the partiality in which they originated. 

Such being the impression under which 
I have, in obedience to the public sum- 
mons, repaired to the present station, it 
would be peculiarly improper to omit, in 
this first official act, my fervent supplica- 
tions to that Almighty Being who rules 
over the universe — who presides in the 
councils of nations — and whose providen- 
tial aids can supply every human defect, 
that His benediction may consecrate to the 
liberties and happiness of the people of 
the United States, a government instituted 
by themselves for these essential pur- 
poses ; and may enable every instrument, 
employed in its administration, to execute 



90 George XUasbtngton 

with success the functions allotted to his 
charge. In tendering this homage to the 
great Author of every public and private 
good, I assure myself that it expresses 
your sentiments not less than my own, 
nor those of my fellow-citizens at large, 
Less than either. N be hound 

to acknowledge and adore the invisible 
hand which conducts the affairs of men, 
more than the people of the Unit 
States. Every y which they have 

advanced to the ch rofan indepen- 

dent nation, seems to have be© tin- 
guished by some token of | 
agency : and in the ii: lution 

just accomplished in the m of their 

united government, tk 

tions and voluntary consent of so mai 

distinct communities from which tl 
event has resuk mnot be compa: 

with the means by which most govern- 
ments have been with 
some return of pious gratitude, alo: 
with an humble antici: if the fata 
blessings which the pasl 



ITnaugural B&fcress 91 

These reflections, arising out of the pres- 
ent crisis, have forced themselves too 
strongly on my mind to be suppressed. 
You will join with me, I trust, in think- 
ing that there are none under the influ- 
ence of which the proceedings of a new 
and free government can more auspicious- 
ly commence. 

By the article establishing the execu- 
tive department, it is made the duty of 
the President ' ' to recommend to your 
consideration such measures as he shall 
judge necessary and expedient." The 
circumstances under which I now meet 
you will acquit me from entering into that 
subject, further than to refer to the great 
constitutional charter under which you 
are assembled ; and which, in defining 
your powers, designates the objects to 
which your attention is to be given. It 
will be more consistent with those cir- 
cumstances, and far more congenial with 
the feelings which actuate me, to substi- 
tute in place of a recommendation of par- 
ticular measures the tribute that is due to 



George XUasbtncUcn 



the talents, the rectitude, and the patri- 
otism which adorn the characters selec- 
ted to devise and adopt them. In these 
honorable qualifications, I behold the 
surest pledges, that as, on one side, no 
local prejudices or attachments, no - 
rate views, nor party animofi '.ill mis- 

direct the comprehensive and equal 
which ought to watch over this great 
tnblage of communities and interests ; 
so on another, that the fotun s of 

our national policy will he laid in the 

pure and immutable principles of private 

morality ; and the pre-eminence <>t 
government he exemplified by all the 
attributes which can win tfa 

itizens, and command the t of 

the world. I dwell on this prospect with 

every satisfaction which an ardent love 
tor my country c e* there 

is no truth more thoroughly establis 

than that there exists in th< 

course ^( nature an indissoluble W 

between virtue and happil veeii 

duty and advantage, between the genuine 






Unaugural BfcDrees 93 

maxims of an honest and magnanimous 
policy and the solid rewards of public 
prosperity and felicity ; since we ought 
to be no less persuaded that the propi- 
tious smiles of Heaven can never be ex- 
pected on a nation that disregards the 
eternal rules of order and right which 
Heaven itself has ordained ; and since 
the preservation of the sacred fire of lib- 
erty and the destiny of the republican 
model of government are justly consid- 
ered as deeply, perhaps as finally, staked 
on the experiment entrusted to the hands 
of the American people. 

Besides the ordinary objects submitted 
to your care, it will remain with your 
judgment to decide how far an exercise of 
the occasional power delegated by the 
Fifth Article of the Constitution is ren- 
dered expedient at the present juncture by 
the nature of objections which have been 
urged against the system, or by the de- 
gree of inquietude which has given birth 
to them. Instead of undertaking particu- 
lar recommendations on this subject, in 



94 George tUasbinciten 

which I could be guided by no lights de- 
rived from official opportunities, I shall 
again give way to my entire confidence 
in your discernment and pursuit of the 
public good ; for I assure myself that 
whilst you carefully avoid every altera- 
tion which might endanger the bene: 
of an united and effective government, or 
which ought to await the future less 
of experience, a reverence for the char 

teristic rights of freemen and a regard 
for the public harmony will sufficiently 

influence your delil on the qn 

tion how far the former may be more im- 

pregnably fortified. <>r the latter be safely 
and advantageously pi 1. 

To the preceding <»l>-erw 

one to add, which will he most properly 
addressed to the HoUSeof I 

It concerns myself, and will therefore be 
brief -il'k-. When I was & 

honored with a call into the - of ray 

country, then on the evi 
struggle lor its 1: $, the light in 

which I contemplated my duty requi: 



Inaugural HDfcress 95 

that I should renounce every pecuniary 
compensation!. From this resolution I 
have in no instance departed. And being 
still under the impressions which pro- 
duced it I must decline, as inapplicable to 
myself, any share in the personal emolu- 
ments which may be indispensably in- 
cluded in a permanent provision for the 
executive department ; and must accord- 
ingly pray that the pecuniary estimates 
for the station in which I am placed 
may, during my continuance in it, be 
limited to such actual expenditures as the 
public good may be thought to require. 

Having thus imparted to you my senti- 
ments, as they have been awakened by 
the occasion which brings us together, I 
shall take my present leave ; but not 
without resorting once more to the benign 
Parent of the human race, in humble sup- 
plication, that since He has been pleased 
to favor the American people with oppor- 
tunities for deliberating in perfect tran- 
quillity, and dispositions for deciding with 
unparalleled unanimity on a form of gov- 



9 6 



George THUsbtngton 



ernment for the security of their union 
and the advancement of their happiness ; 
so His divine blessings may be equally 
conspicuous in the enlarged views, the 
temperate consultations, and the 
measures on which the success of this 
government must depend. 




WASHINGTON'S SECOND INAUG- 
URAL ADDRESS 




SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS.* 



PHILADELPHIA, MARCH 4, 1 793. 

CELLO W-CITIZENS. — I am again 
* called upon by the voice of my coun- 
try to execute the functions of its Chief 
Magistrate. When the occasion proper 
for it shall arrive, I shall endeavor to ex- 
press the high sense I entertain of this dis- 
tinguished honor, and of the confidence 
which has been reposed in me by the 
people of the United States of America. 
Previous to the execution of any official 
act of the President, the Constitution re- 
quires an oath of office. This oath I am 
now about to take and in your presence ; 
that if it shall be found, during my ad- 
* See Appendix, page 196. 



ioo George XUasbington 

ministration of the government, I have, in 
any instance, violated, willingly or know- 
ingly, the injunction therof, I may (be- 
sides incurring constitutional punish- 
ment) be subject to the upbraidings of 
all who are now witnesses of the present 
solemn ceremony. 




^ 



<# 



3* 






r- 



o 






WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL 
ADPRESS 



FAREWEU, ADDRESS * 



[The original MS. of the Farewell Address, in 
Washington's handwriting, and with his re- 
visions and alterations, having been pur- 
chased by James Lenox, Esquire, of New 
York, that gentleman caused a few copies of 
it, with some illustrative documents, to be 
printed for private distribution. By permis- 
sion of Mr. Lenox it is here reprinted, with 
the alterations, and with his explanatory re- 
marks.] 

PREFACK.f 

THIS reprint of Washington's Farewell Ad- 
dress to the people of the United States is 
made from the original manuscript recently 
sold in Philadelphia by the administrators of 
the late Mr. David C. Claypoole, in whose pos- 
session it had been from the date of its first 
publication. The paper is entirely in the auto- 
graph of Washington ; no one acquainted with 
his handwriting can inspect it, and doubt for a 

* See Appendix, page 198. 
+ living's " Life of Washington." 



ro4 Gcortic XUasbincjton 

moment the statements to that effect made by 
Mr. CI ay pool e and Mr. Rawle. 

Upon examining the manuscript, it was found 
that, in addition to its Importance as an histori- 
cal document, and itfl value from being in the 
autograph of Washington, it was of great in- 
terest Bfl a literary cur: and threw light 
upon the disputed question of the author-hip of 
the Addrc--. It rliar'. i the process by 
which that pap< • nought into the form in 
which it | given I nd notes 
written on * 

graphs, which fa d. prove, ah 

ad a doubt, thai tl 

to the ji: 

oranda were uno 
ton's ow a .': 

but hem 

led him to make tin 
the advice and Opini 

.hie, tin 
Bent tO 1 I Ian: :d Chief-J.: 

as related in the Letter oft] Some 

of the alteration 

made during tin . for in a 

few instanci .ole, of a 

sentence is -truck OUt, 

in the body ot the addn 



jfarewell Bfcdrees 105 

Mr. Claypoole's description of the appearance 
of the manuscript is very accurate. There are 
many alterations, corrections, and interlinea- 
tions ; and whole sentences and paragraphs are 
sometimes obliterated. All these, however, have 
been deciphered without much trouble, and care- 
fully noted. 

It was thought best to leave the text in this 
edition as it was first printed ; only two slight 
verbal variations were found between the cor- 
rected manuscript and the common printed 
copies. All the interlineations and alterations 
are inserted in brackets [], and where, in any 
case, words or sentences have been struck out, 
either with or without corrections in the text 
to supply their place, these portions have been 
deciphered and are printed in notes at the foot 
of the page. The reader will thus be enabled to 
perceive at a glance the changes made in the 
composition of the Address ; and if the draft 
made by General Hamilton, and read by him to 
Mr. Jay, should be published, it will be seen 
how far Washington adopted the modifications 
and suggestions made by them. 

When this preface was thus far prepared for 
the press, an opportunity was afforded, through 
the kindness of John C. Hamilton, Esquire, to 
examine several letters which passed between 
Washington and General Hamilton relating to 



106 George IQasbtngfon 

the Address, and also a copy of it in the hand- 
writing of the latter. It appears from these 
communications that the President, both in 
sending to him a rough draft of the document, 
and at subsequent dates, requested him to pre- 
pare BQCfa an Add: he thought would be 
appropriate to the occasion ; that Washington 
COI18alted him particularly, and most minutely, 
on many points connected with it ; and that at 
different times General Hamilton did forward to 
the President three drafts of such a paper. ] 
first was Bent I him with suggestions for 

it> correction and enlargement 

draft thus altered and imp] rescript 

now printed may I oaed to ham :>re- 

ed by Washing I .mil 

imination to General Hamilf 

Jay ; and with it the third draft a 1 to 

the President, and may pi t be found 

among his pap< 

The COpy in the possession of Mr. Hamilton 
is probably tin ; it 

is very much altered and co rr ec t ed ti >ut. 

in comparing it with that in Washingt 
autograph, the sentin 

same, and the 

identical. Some of the paSI 

manuscript are in the 

namely, those OH pagefl 5«\ 51, and 52, fa 



JFarewell B&Dresa 107 

nothing corresponding to them in the draft ; 
but a space is left in it, evidently for the inser- 
tion of additional matter. The comparison of 
these two papers is exceedingly curious. It is 
difficult to conceive how two persons should 
express the same ideas in substantially the same 
language, and yet with much diversity in the 
construction of the sentences and the position 
of the words. 

J. I* 
New York, April 12, 1850. 




FAREWELL ADDRESS. 



CREBNDS, and Pbixow-Citizbns.— 

* The period for a new el D of 

a Citizen, to administer the Executive 
Government of the United eing 

not tar distant, and the tun tually 
arrived, when 

employed in d the person who 

i"s to be clothed with that import 

trust [*], it a; to me proper, espe- 

cially as it ma; I more distinct 

expression of the public voice, tfa 
should now a; of the resolution 

I have formed, to decline be 
among the number of those out of whom 
a choice is to be ma 



* for a:. term 



jfarewell BDDress 109 

I beg you, at the same time, to do me 
the justice to be assured that this resolu- 
tion has not been taken without a strict 
regard to all the considerations appertain- 
ing to the relation which binds a dutiful 
citizen to his country — and that, in with- 
drawing the tender of sen-ice which 
silence in my situation might imply, 
I am influenced by no diminution of 
zeal for your future interest, no defi- 
ciency of grateful respect for your past 
kindness ; but [am supported by]* a full 
conviction that the step is compatible 
with both. 

The acceptance of, and continuance 
hitherto in, the office to which your 
suffrages have twice called me, have been 
a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the 
opinion of duty, and to a deference for 
what appeared to be your desire. I con- 
stantly hoped that it would have been 
much earlier in my power, consistently 
with motives which I was not at liberty 
to disregard, to return to that retirement 
* act under 



no George lUasbington 

from which I had been reluctantly drawn. 
The strength of my inclination to do this, 
previous to the last election, had even led 
to the preparation of an address to declare 
it to you ; but mature reflection on the 
then perplexed and critical posture of 
our affairs with foreign Nations, and the 
unanimous advice of persons entitled to 
my confidence, impelled me to abandon 
the idea. 

I rejoice that the state of your concerns, 
external as well as internal, no lon;^ 
renders the pursuit of inclination in- 
compatible with the sentiment of duty, 

or propriety; and [am persuaded] 4 
whatever partiality [u l]t 

for my Services, [that]; in the present 

circumstances of our country [you] will 
not dis ap prove my determination to 

retire. 

The impressions, [with] | which I first 
[undertook] i^ the arduous trust, were ex- 
plained on the proper occasion. In the 

41 that any portion of yon i I retain 

J even they under J accepted 



jfatewell H&fcrese m 

discharge of this trust, I will only say 
that I have, with good intentions, con- 
tributed [towards] * the organization and 
administration of the government, the 
best exertions of which a very fallible 
judgment was capable. Not uncon- 
scious, in the outset, of the inferiority of 
my qualifications, experience in my own 
eyes, [perhaps] still more in the eyes of 
others, has [strengthened] f the motives 
to diffidence of myself; and every day 
the increasing weight of years admon- 
ishes me more and more, that the shade 
of retirement is as necessary to me as it 
will be welcome. Satisfied that if any 
circumstances have given peculiar value 
to my sendees, they were temporary, I 
have the consolation to believe, that, 
while choice and prudence invite me to 
quit the political scene, patriotism does 
not forbid it. [J] 

* to t n °t lessened 

X May I also have that of knowing, in my re- 
treat, that the involuntary errors, I have prob- 
ably committed, have been the sources of no 
serious or lasting mischief to our country. I 



112 George XUasbincston 

In looking forward to the moment, 
which is [intended] to terminate the 
career of my public life, my feelings do 
not permit me to suspend the deep ac- 
knowledgment [of] :;: that debt of grati- 
tude which I owe to my beloved country, 
— for the many honors it has conferred 
upon me ; still more for the stedfast con- 
fidence with which it has sup: me ; 

and for the opportunities I have thence 
enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable 

attachment, by Services faithful and 

severing, though [in usefulness unequaljj" 

to my zeaL If benefits have resulted to 

our country from ti 

always be remembered to yOUT p: 

may then ei ithont alloy, the 

swe* • ing, in the mi I 

my fellow-citizens, the b influent 

good '.i\\ a under a I anient ; the 

favoi 

ward, I ' • «>ur mnt 

laboi 

| in the margin 
following note in \\ 

erased, u of 

aiuvn d modest] 

emanded by + on iness 






jfarewell Sfc&ress 113 

and as an instructive example in our 
annals, that, [*] under circumstances in 
which the Passions agitated in every 
direction were liable to [mislead], f amidst 
appearances sometimes dubious, vicis- 
situdes of fortune often discouraging — 
in situations in which not unfrequently 
want of success has countenanced the 
spirit of criticism [the constancy of your 
support] was the essential prop of the 
efforts and [a] X guarantee of the plans by 
which they were effected. Profoundly 
penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it 
with me to the grave, as a strong incite- 
ment to unceasing vows [||] that Heaven 
may continue to you the choicest tokens 
of its beneficence — that your union and 
brotherly affection may be perpetual — 
that the free constitution, which is the 
work of your hands, may be sacredly 
maintained — that its administration in 



* the constancy of your support 

t wander and fluctuate 

J the 

|| the only return I can henceforth make 



ii4 George XUasbington 

every department may be stamped with 
wisdom and virtue — that, in fine, the 
happiness of the people of these States, 
under the auspices of liberty, may be 
made complete, by so careful a preserva- 
tion and so prudent a use of this bless 
as will acquire to them the glory [*] of 
recommending it to the applause, the 
affection, and adoption of every nation 
which is yet a Stranger to it. 

Here, perhaps, I nu- lit to stop. But a 
solicitude lor your welfare which ca: 

end but with my life, and the apprehension 

of danger, natural to that solicitude 

[urge me, on an ooc like the | 

ent, to offer]"*" to your solemn contempla- 
tion, and b amend to your frequent 
review, some sentiments which are the 
result of much reflection, of no incon- 
siderable observation [$J and which ap- 

* or satisfaction 

t encouraged by t : mbrance of your In- 

dulgent reception of my sentiments en an • 
sion not dissimilar to the | . urge me to 

offer 

X and experience 



jFarewell BDfcreae 115 

pear to me all important to the perma- 
nency of your felicity as a people. These 
will be offered to you with the more free- 
dom as you can only see in them, the 
disinterested warnings of a departed 
friend, who can [possibly] have no per- 
sonal motive to bias his counsels. [Nor 
can I forget, as an encouragement to it, 
your indulgent reception of my senti- 
ments on a former and not dissimilar 
occasion.] 

Interwoven as is the love of liberty 
with every ligament of your hearts, no 
recommendation of mine is necessary to 
fortify or confirm the attachment. 

The Unity of Government which con- 
stitutes you one people, is also now dear 
to you. It is justly so ; — for it is a main 
Pillar in the Edifice of your real inde- 
pendence ; [the support] of your tran- 
quillity at home ; your peace abroad ; of 
your safety ; [*] of your prosperity [f] ; of 
that very liberty which you so highly 
prize. But, as it is easy to foresee, that 

* in every relation | in every shape 



n6 George XUaebingtfri 

from [different] * causes, and from differ- 
ent quarters, much pains will be taken, 
many artifices employed, to weaken in 
your minds the conviction of this truth : 
— as this is the point in your [political] 
fortress against which the batteries of in- 
ternal and external enemies will be most 
constantly and actively (though often 
covertly and insidiously) directed, it i 
infinite moment, that you should properly 
estimate the immense value of your na- 
tional Union to your collective and indi- 
vidual happiness ; — that you should 
cherish [f] a cordial, habitual, and im- 
movable attachment [to it, accustoming 
yourselves to think and speak of it BJ 
the Palladium of ; political and 

ity : watching tor its ition 

with jealous anxiety ; discountenancing 

whatever may suggest even a suspicion 

that it can in any event I .:idoned. 

and indignantly frowning upon the 

dawning of every attempt to alienate 

portion of our count: or to 

* Varil t towards it 



jfarewell BD&ress 117 

enfeeble the sacred ties which now link 
together the various parts.]* 

For this you have every inducement of 
sympathy and interest. Citizens [by 
birth or choice of a common country],! 
that country has a right to concentrate 
your affections. The name of American, 
which belongs to you, in your national 
capacity, must always exalt the just pride 
of Patriotism, more than an}' appellation 
\_X] derived from local discriminations. — 
With slight shades of difference, you have 
the same Religion, Manners, Habits, and 
political Principles. You have in a com- 
mon cause fought and triumphed to- 



* that you should accustom yourselves to rev- 
erence it as the Palladium of your political 
safety and prosperity, adapting constantly your 
words and actions to that momentous idea ; 
that you should watch for its preservation with 
jealous anxiety, discountenance whatever may 
suggest a suspicion that it can in any event be 
abandoned ; and frown upon the first dawning 
of any attempt to alienate any portion of our 
Country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred 
ties which now link together the several parts. 

t of a common countrv by birth or choice 

i to be 



n8 Georcje TQasbington 

gether. The Independence and Liberty 
you possess are the work of joint councils 
and joint efforts — of common dangers, 
sufferings, and success*. 

But these considerations, however pow- 
erfully they address themsev i >ur sen- 
sibility, are greatly outweighed by t" 
which apply more immediately to your 
Interest Here every portion of our coun- 
try finds the most commanding motives 
for carefull; rdingand preserving the 
Union of the whole. 

The North in an [unrestrained]* inter- 
course with the Souths protected by the 

equal Laws «nnoa rnment, 

finds in the producti the latter [f] 

great additional n iritime and 

commercial enterprise- -and p] is ma- 

terials ^( manufacturing indus The 

South . in the same inter iting 

by the agency o{ the North 
culti w and it*> commerce i 

Turning partly in1 >wn channels the 

seamen ^i the North t it find^ .rticular 

* unfettered \\ f the peculiar 



ffarewell Bfcfcress ng 

navigation invigorated ; — and while it 
contributes, in different ways, to nourish 
and increase the general mass df the 
national navigation, it looks forward to 
the protection of a maritime strength to 
which itself is unequally adapted. The 
East, in a like intercourse with the West, 
already finds, and in the progressive im- 
provement of interior communications, 
by land and water, will more and more 
find, a valuable vent for the commodities 
which it brings from abroad, or manufac- 
tures at home. The West derives from 
the East supplies requisite to its growth 
and comfort, and what is perhaps of still 
greater consequence, it must of necessity 
owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable 
outlets for its own productions to the 
weight, influence, and the future maritime 
strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, 
directed by an indissoluble community of 
interest, as one uYatioti. [Any other]* 
tenure by which the I Vest can hold this 
essential advantage, [whether derived] f 
* The t either 



120 George XUasbington 

from its own separate strength or from 
an apostate and unnatural connection 
with any foreign Power, must be intrin- 
sically precarious. [*] 

[t] While [then] even* part of our coun- 
try thus [feels] J an immediate and par- 
ticular interest in Union, all the parts 1 ' 
[combined cannot fail to find] in the 

united mass of means and efforts [§] great- 
er strength, greater resour ce, proportion- 
ably greater Security ir< »in external danger, 
a less frequent interruption of their ]•• 
by foreign Nations; and. [what is] € of 
inestimable value ! they must derive from 
Union an exemption from those broils and 
w.ns between themselves, which [so 

quenth | filict nei^hboi 

n< A tied together by the same gl >vernir. 

which their own rivalships alone would 

be sufficient to produce ; but which oppo- 

■ liable every man y the 

fluctuating combinations of th 

>f Europe, which mi 
late the conduct of the Qfl of which 

composed Lnd :uls || of it 

8 cannot fail to find 

f which IS an BXh ** i My 



jfarewell BDfcress 121 

site foreign alliances, attachments, and 
intrigues would stimulate and embitter. 
Hence likewise the)' will avoid the neces- 
sity of those overgrown Military estab- 
lishments, which, under any form of 
Government, are inauspicious to liberty, 
and which [are to be regarded] * as par- 
ticularly hostile to Republican Liberty : 
In this sense it is, that your Union ought 
to be considered as a main prop of your 
liberty, and that the love of the one ought 
to endear to you the preservation of the 
other. 

These considerations speak a persuasive 
language to [every] f reflecting and vir- 
tuous mind, — [and] J exhibit the continu- 
ance of the Union as a primary object of 
Patriotic desire. Is there a doubt whether 
a common government can embrace so 
large a sphere ? Let experience solve it. 
To listen to mere speculation in such a 
case were criminal. [We are authorized]! 
to hope that a proper organization of the 

* there is reasou to regard t an y 

t they || »T is natural 



i22 George XUasbincjton 

whole, with the auxiliary agency of gov- 
ernments for the respective subdivisions, 
will afford a happy issue to the experi- 
ment. 'Tis well worth a fair and full 
experiment. [*] With such powerful and 
obvious motives to Union, [affecting] t 
all parts of our country [+], while experi- 
ence shall not have demonstrated its 
impracticability, there will always be 
[reason] || to distrust the patriotism of 
those, who in any quarter may endeavour 
to weaken Its bands. [§] 

* It may not impossibly be found, that the 

spirit of party, the machinations of for 

rs, the- corruption and ami Livid- 

nal citi» 

the i Fnitj of our Empire thai 
difficulties Ln icheme, e the 

mounds ofnational i • 
and national jealon 

|| cause- in t'. 
Besides the i 

hinted as tl. 

Less danj as to 

make it prudent to be upon on 

u. I allude to the | 

of opinion, it r the 

irritations which these 

in declarations that the different ' f the 

United States are ft] ^'h otlu 



jFarevvell Bd&rees 123 

In contemplating the causes which may 
disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of 
serious concern, that [any ground should 
have been furnished for characterizing 
parties by] * Geographical discriminations 
— Northern and Southern — Atlantic and 
Western ; [whence designing men may 
endeavor to excite a belief that there is a 

menaces that the Union will be dissolved by 
this or that measure. Intimations like these 
are as indiscreet as they are intemperate. 
Though frequently made with levity and with- 
out any really evil intention, they have a tend- 
ency to produce the consequence which they 
indicate. They teach the minds of men to con- 
sider the Union as precarious ; — as an object to 
winch they ought not to attach their hopes and 
fortunes ; — and thus chill the sentiment in its 
favor. By alarming the pride of those to whom 
they are addressed, they set ingenuity at work 
to depreciate the value of the thing, and to dis- 
cover reasons of indifference towards it. This 
is not wise. — It will be much w iser to habituate 
ourselves to reverence the Union as the palla- 
dium of our national happiness ; to accommo- 
date constantly our words and actions to that 
idea, and to discountenance whatever may sug- 
gest a suspicion that it can in any event be 
abandoned. (In the margin opposite this para- 
graph are the words, " Not important enough.") 
* our parties for some time past have been too 
much characterized by 



124 George XUasbmgfbn 

real difference of local interests and 
views.] * One of the expedients of Party 
to acquire influence, within particular 
districts, is to misrepresent the opinions 
and aims of other districts. You cannot 
shield yourselves too much against tl 
jealousies and heartburnings which spring 
from these mis ns Th 

tend to render alien to each other those 

who ought to be bound togeth< fra- 

ternal affection. The inhabitants of our 
western country have lately had a useful 
lesson on this [head]4 They have set 

* These discritniu 
trivance of th< 

be n ielded, urn to account 

the bj mpathy i 

an argument . ■ of 

and itard it 

tru under tl nd- 

ins 

Bcn< 

inu 

their influence. I 

in the 
w orthy tiu 

Lt 



jfarewell BDDrees 125 

in the negotiation by the Executive, and 
in the unanimous ratification by the Sen- 
ate, of the Treaty with Spain, and in the 
universal satisfaction at that event, 
throughout the United States, a decisive 
proof how unfounded were the suspicions 
propagated among them of a policy in the 
General Government and in the Atlantic 
States unfriendly to their interests in re- 
gard to the Mississippi. They have 
been witnesses to the formation of 
two Treaties, that with G. Britain, and 
that with Spain, which secure to them 
every thing they could desire, in respect 
to our foreign Relations towards confirm- 
ing their prosperity. Will it not be 
their wisdom to rely for the preservation 
of these advantages on the UNION by 
which they were procured? Will they 
not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, 
if such there are, who would sever them 
from their Brethren, and connect them 
with Aliens ? 

To the efficacy and permanency of your 
Union, a Government for the whole is in- 



126 George XUasbincnen 

dispensable. Xo alliances how ev er Strict 

between the parts can be an adequate sub- 
stitute. They must inevitably experience 
the infractions and interruptions which all 
alliances in all times have experienced. 
Sensible of this momentous truth, you 
have improved upon your first essay, by 

the adoption of a Constitution rn- 

ment. better calculated than your former 
for an intimate Union, and for the effica- 
cious management of your common con- 
cerns. This g o vernment, the ofisprii 

of your OWll choice, uninfluenced and inl- 
awed, adopted upon full investig 
mature deliberation, completely &ee in 

principles, in the distribution of its pow- 
ers, uniting security with enei md 
containing within itself a pr< 

own amendment, has a just claim to your 

ofidence ami your support. R 
for it> authority, compliance with 

Laws, acquiescence in its 

duties enjoined by the fundamental max- 
ims oi true liberty. T. f our 
political systems is the right o\ the peoj 



jfarewell BDDrcss 127 

to make and to alter their Constitution of 
Government. But the Constitution which 
at any time exists, 'till changed by an 
explicit and authentic act of the whole 
People, is sacredly obligator}- upon all. 
The very idea of the power and the right 
of the People to establish Government, 
presupposes the duty of even' individual 
to obey the established Government. 

All obstructions to the execution of the 
Laws, all combinations and associations, 
under whatever plausible character, with 
[the real] design to direct, controul, 
counteract, or awe the regular delibera- 
tion and action of the constituted authori- 
ties, are destructive of this fundamental 
principle, and of fatal tendency. They 
serve to organize faction, to give it an 
artificial and extraordinary force — to 
put, [*] in the place of the delegated will 
of the Nation, the will of a party ; often 
a small but artful and enterprising min- 
ority of the community ; and, according 
to the alternate triumphs of different par- 

*it 



i23 George WHa*bfti0toi! 

ties, to make the public administration 
the mirror of the ill-concerted and incon- 
gruous projects of faction, rather than the 
organ of consistent and wholesome plans 
digested by common councils and modi- 
fied by mutual into r com- 
binations or - of t: »ve 
description may now and then ai 
popular ends, [ ] thev are likely, in the 
( >f time and things, t< > beo >me p< >tent 

engines, by which conning, ambil ind 

Unprincipled men will Ik* enabled to sub- 

rt the power of the 1 

'die reins of I ! 

stroyin] - the \ aes 

which have lifted them t<> unjust d 

minion. 

To iOV- 
nment and the permai i >ur 
present hap] be, it is requisite, not 
only that ir- 
regular opp ~;ed 
authority, bo ri with 
care [the] • 5 upon 
^>ses t a 






Jfarcweli Bfcfcress 129 

principles however specious the pretexts. 
One method of assault may be to effect, 
in the forms of the Constitution, altera- 
tions which will impair the energy of the 
system, [and thus to] * undermine what 
cannot be directly overthrown. In all 
the changes to which you may be invited, 
remember that time and habit are at least 
as necessary to fix the true character of 
Governments, as of other human institu- 
tions ; that experience is the surest stand- 
ard by which to test the real tendency 
of the existing Constitution of a Country ; 
that facility in changes upon the credit 
of mere hypothesis and opinion exposes 
to perpetual change, from the endless 
variety of hypothesis and opinion : and 
remember, especially, that for the efficient 
management of your common interests in 
a country so extensive as ours, a Govern- 
ment of as much vigour as is consistent 
with the perfect security of Liberty is in- 
dispensable ; Liberty itself will find in 
such a Government, with powers properly 
•to 



130 Georcje XUaebington 

distributed and adjusted, its surest guar- 
dian. [It is indeed little else than a 
name, where the Government is too 
feeble to withstand the enterprises of fac- 
tion, to confine each member of the Soci- 
ety within the limits prescribed by the 
laws, and to maintain all in the secure 
and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of 
person and property.]* 

I have already intimated to you the 
danger of Parties in the State, with par- 
ticular reference to the founding of them 
on Geographical discrimination Let 
me now take a more i 

view, and warn y<>u in the most solemn 
manner against the baneful effects of the 

Spirit of P generally. 

This Spirit, unfortunately, is insepar- 
able from [our]*" nature, havil root 
in the strongest | IS of the [human] 

* Owin 
closure 01 my heart. I shall not < from 

vou the belief 1 entertain, that your Govern- 
ment as at present constituted is far in- 
to prove too feeble than too powerful. 

t human 



jFarewell BDDrees 131 

mind. It exists under different shapes in 
all Governments, more or less stifled, con- 
trouled or repressed ; but in those of the 
popular form it is seen in its greatest 
rankness, and is truly their worst enemy. * 
The alternate domination of one faction 
over another, sharpened by the spirit of 

* In Republics of narrow extent, it is not diffi- 
cult for those who at any time hold the reins 
of Power, and command the ordinary pub- 
lic favor, to overturn the established [constitu- 
tion] * in favor of their own aggrandizement. 
The same thing may likewise be too often ac- 
complished in such Republics, by partial com- 
binations of men, who though not in office, 
from birth, riches or other sources of distinc- 
tion, have extraordinary influence and numer- 
ous [adherents] j By debauching the Military 
force, by surprising some commanding citadel, 
or by some other sudden and unforeseen move- 
ment the fate of the Republic is decided. — But 
in Republics of large extent, usurpation can 
scarcely make its way through these avenues. 

The powers and opportunities of resistance of 
a wide extended and numerous nation, defy the 
successful efforts of the ordinary Military force, 
or of any collections which wealth and patron- 
age may call to their aid. In such Republics, 
it is safe to assert, that the conflicts of popular 
factions are the chief, if not the only, inlets of 
usurpation and Tyranny. 

* order f retainers 



132 George XUaslMwiten 

revenge natural to party dissension, 
which in different ages and countries has 
perpetrated the most horrid enormities, 
is itself a frightful despotism. But this 
lead- at length to a more formal and per- 
manent despotism. The disoi 
miseries, which result, gradually incline 
the minds of men to seek security and 
repose in the absolute power of an Indi- 
vidual: and sooner or later the chief of 
me prevailing don, more able or 

more fortunate than his own compel 
turns this the purposes of 

his own ele\ on the mil Public 

Liberty. 
Without looking forward to an 

treinity of this kind [which neverthel 

ought not to be enti ut of si 

tnmon and continual mischiefs of tl 
spirit it 

the in: .nd the duty of a w: 

to discourage and r it. 

It serve- always to distract the Public 
Councils and enfeeble the Public admin- 
istration, it agitates the common 



ffarewell BD&ress 133 

with ill-founded jealousies and false 
alarms, kindles the animosity of one part 
against another, foments occasionally riot 
and insurrection. It opens the door to 
foreign influence and corruption, which 
find a facilitated access [to the Govern- 
ment itself through the channels of party 
passions. Thus, the policy and the will 
of one country, are subjected to the policy 
and will of another.] * 

There is an opinion that parties in free 
countries are useful checks upon the Ad- 
ministration of the Government, and 
serve to keep alive the vSpirit of Liberty. 
This within certain limits is probably 
true — and in Governments of a Monarchi- 
cal cast, Patriotism may look with in- 
dulgence, if not with favor, upon the 
spirit of party. But in those of the popu- 
lar character, in Governments purely elec- 
tive, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. 

* through the channels of party passions. It 
frequently subjects the policy of our own coun- 
try to the policy of some foreign country, and 
even enslaves the will of our Government to 
the will of some foreign Government. 



134 George XUasbincfton 

From their natural tendency, it is certain 
there will always be enough of that spirit 
for every salutary purpose, — and there 
being constant danger of excess, the 
effort ought to be, by force of public 
Opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A 
fire not to be quenched ; it demands a 
uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting 

into a flame, lest, [instead of wanning, it 
should] :i: consume. 

It ifl important, likewise, that the 
habits of thinking in a free country 
should inspire caution in those entn: 

with its administrate -.fine them- 

selves within their live constitu- 

tional spin • voiding in the ezei 

of the pov irtment b 

Croacfa upon another. The spirit of 

croachment tends to 001 the 

powen of all the dep 

thus to create. [• ] whatever [the form of 

government, a real] at A just 

estimate o{ that love of power, and [||] 

* it shouM not only nt 

t under % f ' ' I th e 



jfarewetl Bfcbress 135 

proneness to abuse it, which predom- 
inates in the human heart, is sufficient to 
satisfy us of the truth of this position. 
The necessity of reciprocal checks in the 
exercise of political power, by dividing 
and distributing it into different depos- 
itories, and constituting each the Guar- 
dian of the Public Weal [against] * inva- 
sions by the others, has been evinced by 
experiments ancient and modern ; some 
of them in our own country and under 
our own eyes. To preserve them must 
be as necessary- as to institute them. If 
in the opinion of the People, the distribu- 
tion or modification of the Constitutional 
powers be in any particular wrong, let it 
be corrected by an amendment in the way 
which the Constitution designates. But 
let there be no change by usurpation ; 
for though this, in one instance, may be 
the instrument of good, it is the [cus- 
tomary] f weapon by which free govern- 
ments are destroyed. The precedent [J] 
must always greatly overbalance in per- 
* from | usual and natural \ of its use 



t3fi George XUasbmgten 

manent evil any partial or [transient]* 

benefit which the use [f] can at any time 
yield. 

Of all the dispositions and habits which 
lead to political prosperity, Religion and 
morality arc indispensable supports. In 
vain would that man claim the tribute of 

Patriotism, who should labour to subvert 
these great Pillar- of human ha] 

• firmest pro] the duties of Men 

and Citizens. The mere Politic 
equally with the pious man. ought to re- 

I and to cherish them. A volume 
could n<>t l- with 

private and publii Let it simply 

Sked wlu a r prop- 

erty. f<»r reputation, for life, if the sense 
of religious < ; the oaths, 

which are the instruments of in 
tion in Courts of Jr. \ I let US 

with caution indulge the suppostl 

that morality cm be maintained wit'. 

religion. Whatever may he c 

the influence i on 

* tcm J ^orary 



jfarewell Sfcfcress 137 

minds of peculiar structure — reason and 
experience doth forbid us to expect that 
national morality can prevail in exclusion 
of religious principle. 

'T is substantially true that virtue or 
morality is a necessary spring of popular 
government. The rule indeed extends 
with more or less force to every species 
of Free Government. Who that is a 
sincere friend to it, can look with indif- 
ference upon attempts to shake the foun- 
dation of the fabric ? 

[Promote then as an object of primary 
importance, institutions for the general 
diffusion of knowledge. In proportion 
as the structure of a government gives 
force to public opinion, it is essential 
that public opinion should be enlight- 
ened.] * 

* Cultivate industry and frugality, as auxil- 
iaries to good morals and sources of private and 
public prosperity. Is there not room to regret 
that our propensity to expense exceeds our 
means for it ? Is there not more luxury among 
us and more diffusively, than suits the actual 
stage of our national progress ? Whatever may 
be the apology for luxury in a country, mature 



138 George tUasbuniton 

As a very important source of strength 
and security, cherish public credit. One 
method of preserving it is to use it as 
[sparingly] :j: as possible ; avoiding occa- 
sions of expense by cultivating peace, 
but remembering also that timely dis- 
bursements to prepare Car danger 6 
quently prevent much greater disburse- 
ments to repel it — avoiding likewise the 
accumulation of debt, not only by [shun- 
ning] v vig- 
or^ ! in lime <»l" I 

charge the debts which unavoidable v. 
may have <> rously 

throwing upon posterity the burthen 

which we ourselves OUght to bear. The 

execution of these m 
your Representatives, hut it ssary 

that public opinion should [co-operate*] 
in the Arts v. 

advaiu llv 

agricultural, in the U Mid 

certainly net in th< h ? 

er this paragraph in the 
paper is w which t] 

written a*> printed in ti. 

* little Jcoiiu. 



jfarewell BDDreea 139 

To facilitate to them the performance of 
their duty, it is essential that you should 
practically bear in mind, that towards 
the payment of debts there must be Rev- 
enue — that to have Revenue there must 
be taxes — that no taxes can be devised 
which are not more or less inconvenient 
and unpleasant — that the intrinsic em- 
barrassment inseparable from the selec- 
tion of the proper objects (which is al- 
ways a choice of difficulties) ought to be 
a decisive motive for a candid construc- 
tion of the conduct of the Government in 
making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence 
in the measures for obtaining Revenue 
which the public exigencies may at any 
time dictate. 

Observe good faith and justice towards 
all Nations. [*] Cultivate peace and har- 
mony with all. Religion and morality 
enjoin this conduct; and can it be that 
good policy does not equally enjoin it? It 

* and cultivate peace and harmony with all, 
for in public as well as iu private transactions, I 
am persuaded that honesty will always be found 
to be the best policy. 



140 George XUasbmgtcn 

will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, 
at no distant period, a great nation, to 
give to mankind the magnanimous and too 
novel example of a People always guided 
by an exalted justice and benevolence. 
Who can doubt that in the course of time 
and things, the fruits of such a plan would 
richly repay any temporary advantages 

which might be lost by a Steady adher- 
ence t<> it? Can it be, that Providence 
not connected the permanent felicity 
of a Nation with its virtue ? The experi- 
ment, at least, is recommended by every 

sentiment which cm: annum 

Alas! is it :• I imp os si ble by its 

vices 

En the execution of Mich a plan nothing 
is more essential than that [permanent. 

inveterate] antipatl. irticnlar 

nations and | uchmeiits for 

others should be excluded ; and that in 
place of them just and amicable feel 
towards all should be Cttll L The 

Nation, which indulges towards I 
* rooted 



Ifarewell B&fcrcss 141 

[an] * habitual hatred or [an] f habitual 
fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is 
a slave to its animosity or to its affection, 
either of which is sufficient to lead it 
astray from its duty and its interests. 
Antipathy in one Nation against another 
[J] disposes each more readily to offer 
insult and injury, to lay hold of slight 
causes of umbrage, and to be haughty 
and intractable, when accidental or trifling 
occasions of dispute occur. Hence fre- 
quent collisions, obstinate, envenomed 
and bloody contests. The Nation 
prompted by ill-will and resentment 
sometimes impels to War the Government, 
contrary to [the best] | calculations of 
policy. The Government sometimes par- 
ticipates in the [national] propensity, and 
adopts through passion what reason 
would reject ; at other times, it makes the 
animosity of the Nation subservient to 
projects of hostility instigated by pride, 
ambition, and other sinister and perni- 

* a fa 

t begets of course a similar sentiment in that 
other, || its own 



X42 Ocorcje uiasbimiten 

cious motives. The ; often some- 

times perhaps the Liberty, of Nations has 
been the victim. 

likewi mate attachment of 

one Xati- mother produ 

of evils. Sympathy for the favon: 
nation, facilitating the illn>i in im- 

aginary comnmn interest in case where 
no common in1 ind infusing 

into <>ne [-J the emu f the oil. 

betrays the I into a ; in 

the (jr. ith- 

out adequate inducement orjusti n : 

It I ds to the 

don of privi] i othei 

which is i injure the N 

making the i 

sarily parting with what ought to have 

been retained, ; 

ill-will, and a d in 

the partk □ whom equal privileges 

are withheld ; and mbitio: 

corrupted, or deluded who d 

irite N 

* aiiot; f i v 



jfarewelt Sfc&rcss 143 

facility to betray, or sacrifice the interests 
of their own country without odium, 
sometimes even with popularity : gilding 
with the appearances of a virtuous sense 
of obligation, a commendable deference 
for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for 
public good, the base or foolish compli- 
ances of ambition, corruption, or infatua- 
tion. 

As avenues to foreign influence in 
innumerable ways, such attachments are 
particularly alarming to the truly enlight- 
ened and independent patriot. How many 
opportunities do they afford to tamper 
with domestic factions, to practise the 
arts of seduction, to mislead public 
opinion, to influence or awe the public 
councils ! Such an attachment of a small 
or weak, towards a great and powerful 
nation, dooms the former to be the 
satellite of the latter. 

Against the insidious wiles of foreign 
influence, [I conjure you to] believe me, 
[fellow citizens],* the jealousy of a free 
* my friends 



144 Gcortie XUasbincjton 

people ought to be [constantly] -•- awake, 
since history and experience prove that 
foreign influence is one of the most bane- 
ful foes of Republican Government. But 
that jealousy to be useful must be impar- 
tial ; else it becomes the instrument of 
the very influence to tx instead 

of a defeni dnst it. I par- 

tiality for one foreign nation and 

ive dislike of another se those 

whom they actuate to see danger onl 
one and serve to veil and even 

ad the arts of influence on the other. 
Real whom atrigues 

of the favour 

SUSp - ; while its tools and 

dupes usurp the applause and confide 

of the people, to sun i heir interests. 

'IT. it rule of conduct in 

OS is. [in 

ing our commercia] rd -.] to have 

with them as little Ptdii ffl as 

dble. So 
formed engagements let them be fulfilled 

* iucessautlv 



jfarewell Stress 145 

with [*] perfect good faith. Here let us 
stop. 

Europe has a set of primary interests, 
which to us have none, or a very remote 
relation. Hence she must be engaged in 
frequent controversies, the causes of 
which are essentially foreign to our 
concerns. Hence therefore it must be 
unwise in us to implicate ourselves by [t] 
artificial [ties] X in the ordinary vicissi- 
tudes of her politics, [or] || the ordinary 
combinations and collisions of her friend- 
ships, or enmities. 

Our detached and distant situation in- 
vites and enables us to pursue a different 
course. If we remain one People, under 
an efficient government, the period is not 
far off, when we may defy material injury 
from external annoyance ; when we take 
such an attitude as will cause the neutral- 
ity we may at any time resolve [upon] § 
to be scrupulously respected. When [^[] 

* circumspection indeed, but with f an 

t connection || in \ to observe 

\ neither of two 



146 George XUasbiiuiton 



belligerent nations, under the impossibil- 
ity of making acquisitions upon us, will 
[not] lightly hazard the giving us provo- 
cation [*] ; when we may choose peace or 
war, as our interest guided by ["•"] justice 
shall counsel. 

Why forego the advantages of so pe- 
culiar a situation ? Why quit our own to 
stand up reign ground? Why, 

interweaving our destiny with that of any 
part of Europe, entangle <>ur peace and 

sperity in the toils of European ambi- 
tion, rivalahip, int humour, or i 

price } 

'T policy to steer clear of 

permanent alliai ] with an 

of the foreign n 

we are new at liberty to do it — far let me 
not be ondersto ible of patroniz- 

ing Infidelity to [exi-ting]|| ei 
([I hold the maxim no less app] to 

public than to private (j f j that hon- 

*to throw our weight into the op; 
U 

•rue in public as in 
private tr&nsa< 



jfarewell BDDress 147 

esty is [always] the best policy). [I re- 
peat it therefore let those engagements] * 
be observed in their genuine sense. But 
in my opinion it is unnecessary and would 
be unwise to extend them. 

Taking care always to keep ourselves, 
by suitable establishments, on a respecta- 
bly defensive posture, we may safely trust 
to [temporary] f alliances for extraordi- 
nary emergencies. 

Harmony, liberal intercourse with all 
nations, are recommended by policy, hu- 
manity, and interest. But even our com- 
mercial policy should hold an equal and 
impartial hand : neither seeking nor grant- 
ing exclusive favours and preferences ; 
consulting the natural course of things ; 
diffusing and diversifying by gentle 
means the streams of commerce, but for- 
cing nothing ; establishing with Powers 
so disposed — in order to give to trade a 
stable course, to define the rights of our 
Merchants and to enable the Government 
to support them — conventional rules of 
* those must t occasional 



148 George XUasbington 

intercourse, the best that present circum- 
stances and mutual opinion will permit ; 
but temporary, and liable to be from time 
to time abandoned or varied, as experi- 
ence and circumstances shall dictate ; con- 
stantly keeping in view, that 't is folly in 
one nation to look for disinterested favors 
[from] ''■'' another ; that it must pay with a 
portion of its independence for whatever 
it may accept under that character — that 
by such acceptance it may place itself in 
the condition of having given equivalents 

for nominal favours and yet of be 
preached with ingratitude for not giving 
more. There can be i tor than 

to expect, or calculate up '. favors 

from Nation to Nation, "f is an illusion 
which experience must cure, which a just 
pride OUght to discard. 

In offering to you, my Countryr. 
these counsels of an old and a ft ect i< • 
friend, I dare not hope tfa ill make 

the Strong and lasting imp: 

wish ; that they will control th< 

*at 



jfarewell aD&teea 149 

current of the passions or prevent our 
nation from running the course which 
has hitherto marked the destiny of Na- 
tions. But if I may even flatter myself, 
that they may be productive of some par- 
tial benefit ; some occasional good ; that 
they may now and then recur to moder- 
ate the fury of party spirit, to warn against 
the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard 
against the impostures of pretended pa- 
triotism, this hope will be a full recom- 
pense for the solicitude for your welfare, 
by which they have been dictated. 

How far in the discharge of my official 
duties I have been guided by the princi- 
ples which have been delineated, the pub- 
lic Records and other evidences of my 
conduct must witness to You, and to the 
World. To myself, the assurance of my 
own conscience is, that I have at least 
believed myself to be guided by them. 

In relation to the still subsisting War 
in Europe, my Proclamation of the 22d 
of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. 
Sanctioned by your approving voice and 



i5o George lUasbmqton 

by that of Your Representatives in both 
Houses of Congress, the spirit of that 
measure has continually governed me : 
uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or 
divert me from it. 

After deliberate examination with the 
aid of the best lights I could obtain. [*] I 
was well satisfied that our country, under 
all the circumstances of the case, had a 
light to take, and was bound in duty and 

interest, t<> take a Neutral position. Hav- 
ing taken it, I determined, as far as should 
depend Up >n me. to maintain it. with mod- 
eration, perse v erance, and firmness. 

[Tlie considerations which respect the 
right to hold this conduct, [it is : es- 

sarv] ; on this occasion [to detail]. I will 

only observe, that i ling to my un- 
derstanding of the matter, that right, so 

far from being denied by any of th< 



(*and from men <: [ impres- 

sions of the origin, ; ad nature of 

>me of them of a delicate natal -Id be 

improperly the subject of explanation. 



jfarewell Bfc&resa 151 

ligerent Powers, has been virtually ad- 
mitted by all.] * 

The duty of holding a neutral conduct 
may be inferred, without any thing more, 
from the obligation which justice and 
humanity impose on every Nation, in 
cases in which it is free to act, to main- 
tain inviolate the relations of Peace and 
Amity towards other Nations. 

* The considerations which respect the right 
to hold this conduct, some of them of a delicate 
nature, would be improperly the subject of ex- 
planation on this occasion. I will barely ob- 
serve that according to my understanding of the 
matter, that right so far from being denied by 
any belligerent Power, has been virtually ad- 
mitted by all. 

(This paragraph is then erased from the word 
"conduct," and the following sentence inter- 
lined : " would be improperly the subject of 
particular discussion on this occasion. I will 
barely observe that to me they appear to be 
warranted by well-established principles of the 
Laws of Nations as applicable to the nature of 
our alliance w T ith France in connection with the 
circumstances of the War and the relative situa- 
tion of the contending Parties." 

A piece of paper is afterwards w r afered over 
both, on w T hich the paragraph as it stands in 
the text is written, and on the margin is the 
following note : " This is the first draft, and it is 
questionable which of the two is to be preferred. ' ' ) 



i52 George XUasbington 

The inducements of interest for observ- 
ing that conduct, will best be referred 
to your own reflections and experience. 
With me, a predominant motive has been 
to endeavour to gain time to our country 
to settle and mature its yet recent institu- 
tions, and to progress without interrup- 
tion to that degree of strength and con- 
sistency, which is necessary to give it. 
humanly speaking, the command of its 
own fortunes. 

Though in reviewing the incidents of 

my Administration, lam unconscious of 
intentional error — I am nevertheless too 

sensible of my defects not to think it 
probable that 1 [may] have committed 
many errors. [Whatever they may bel]* 
fervently beseech the Almighty to avert 
or mitigate [the evils to which they may 
tend.]f I shall also carry with me the 

hope that my country will ne\ se to 

view them with indulgence ; and that 
alter forty-five years of my lite dedicated 

i deprecate the evils to which tl. 
tend, and tthem 



jfarewell SO&rese 153 

to its service, with an upright zeal, the 
faults of incompetent abilities will be 
consigned to oblivion, as myself must 
soon be to the mansions of rest. [*] 

Relying on its kindness in this as in 
other things, and actuated by that fervent 
love towards it, which is so natural to a 
man, who views in it the native soil of 
himself and his progenitors for [several] f 

*May I without the charge of ostentation add, 
that neither ambition nor interest has been the 
impelling cause of my actions— that I have 
never designedly misused any power confided to 
me nor hesitated to use one, where I thought it 
could redound to your benefit ? May I without 
the appearance of affectation say, that the 
fortune with which I came into office is not 
bettered otherwise than by the improvement in 
the value of property which the quick progress 
and uncommon prosperity of our country have 
produced ? May I still further add without 
breach of delicacy, that I shall retire without 
cause for a blush, with no sentiments alien to 
the force of those vows for the happiness of his 
country so natural to a citizen who sees in it the 
native soil of his progenitors and himself for 
four generations ? 

(On the margin opposite this paragraph is the 
following note : M This paragraph may have 
the appearance of self-distrust and mere vanity. ") 

* four 



i54 George XUaebtngtcn 

generations ; I anticipate with pleasing 
expectation that retreat, in which I 
promise myself to realize, without alloy, 
the sweet enjoyment of partaking in the 
midst of my fellow citizens, the benign 
influence of good Laws under a free 
Government, the ever favourite object of 
my heart, and the happy reward, as I 
trust, of our mutual cares, labours, and 
dangers,* 

< ;r.<>. Washington. 

19/ ;-, [» 1796. 



4 



(*T1k- pnracrraph beginning with the v. 

"May I without the ntation add," 

having been struck <>r. - g note is 
written on the mai 

in its place in U f the 

paragraph preceding the la>t ending with the 

word 'rest' 




LINCOLN'S INAUGURAL 
ADDRESS 










i // J-' H c j 




INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 



MARCH 4, 1 86 1. 



CELLOW-CITIZENS of the United 
* States. — In compliance with a cus- 
tom as old as the government itself, I 
appear before you to address you briefly, 
and to take in your presence the oath 
prescribed by the Constitution of the 
United States to be taken by the Presi- 
dent ■ k before he enters on the execution 
of his office." 

I do not consider it necessary at present 
for me to discuss those matters of admin- 
istration about which there is no special 
anxiety or excitement. 

Apprehension seems to exist, among 
the people of the Southern States, that by 



158 Bbrabam Xincoln 

the accession of a Republican administra- 
tion their property and their peace and 
Rial security are to be endangered. 
There never has been any reasonable 
cause f<>r such apprehension. Indeed, the 
most ample evidence to the contrary has 
all the while existed and been open to 
their inspection. It is found in nearly all 
the published speeches of him who now 
addr <>u. tit quote from one 

of those sp< when I declare thai 

have no pttl r indirectly, to 

interfere with the ins! ry in 

the States where it I believe I 

have no lawful right to do so, and I : 
no inclination to do so." 
nominated and elected me did so with full 
knowledge that I had made tl 
many simil ind had n< 

recanted them. And more than I 

they placed in the urn for my accept- 

ance, and as a law I 1 to 

me, the clear and emphatic resolut 

which I now read : 

11 A That the l ::ce in- 



1Fnau3ural B&fcress 159 

violate of the rights of the States, and 
especially the right of each State to order 
and control its own domestic institutions 
according to its judgment exclusively, is 
essential to the balance of power on 
which the perfection and endurance of 
our political fabric depend, and we 
denounce the lawless invasion by armed 
force of the soil of any State or Territory, 
no matter under what pretext, as among 
the gravest of crimes 

I now reiterate these sentiments ; and, 
in doing so, I only impress upon the pub- 
lic attention the most conclusive evidence 
of which the case is susceptible, that the 
property, peace, and security of no section 
are to be in any wise endangered by the 
now incoming administration. I add, 
too, that all the protection which, con- 
sistently with the Constitution and the 
laws, can be given, will be cheerfully 
given to all the States, when lawfully de- 
manded, for whatever cause, as cheer- 
fully to one section as to another. 

There is much controversy about the 



i6o Sbrabam Xmcoln 



delivering up of fugitives from service or 
labor. The clause I now read is as 
plainly written in the Constitution as 
any other of its provisions : 

" No person held to service or labor in 
one State, under the laws thereof, escap- 
ing into another, shall, in consequence of 
any law or regulation therein, be di 
charged from such sen-ice Of labor, but 
Shall be delivered up on claim of the 
party h) whom such service or labor may 

be due. 

It is scarcely questioned that this pro- 
vision was intended by those who 

it for the reclaiming of what we call fa] 
tive slaw- : and the inter. I the law- 

giver is the law. All members o: 
giess swear their support to the whole 
Constitution — to this provision BS much 
as any other. To the prop- 
that slaw- wh .e within the 
terms of this clause, " shall be delivered 
up," their oaths are unanimous X 
if they would make the effort in good 
temper, could they not. with equal 



fnaugural aDfcress 161 

unanimity, frame and pass a law by- 
means of which to keep good that unani- 
mous oath ? 

There is some difference of opinion 
whether this clause should be enforced 
by National or by State authority ; but 
surely that difference is not a very ma- 
terial one. If the slave is to be sur- 
rendered, it can be of but little conse- 
quence to him, or to others, by what 
authority it is done. And should any 
one, in any case, be content that his 
oath should go unkept, on a mere unsub- 
stantial controversy as to how it shall be 
kept? 

Again, in any law upon this subject, 
ought not all the safeguards of liberty 
known in civilized and humane juris- 
prudence to be introduced, so that a free 
man be not, in any case, surrendered as a 
slave ? And might it not be well, at the 
same time, to provide by law for the en- 
forcement of that clause of the Constitu- 
tion which guarantees that ' ' the citizens 
of each State shall be entitled to all privi- 



i6a Bbrabam Xincoln 

leges and immunities of citizens in the 
several States 

I take the official oath to-day with no 
mental reservation, and with no purpose 
to construe the Constitution or laws by 
any hypercritical rules. And while I do 

not choose now t<> specify particular a 

of Congress a- proper to be enforced, I do 
Suggest that it will be much safer for all, 
both in official and priv to 

conform to and abide by all those acts 
which stand unrepealed, than to V 
any of them, trusting to find impunity in 

having them held to be unconstitutional. 

It is seventy-two j since the first 

inauguration of a lent under our 

N.itional Constitution. I taring that 

period, fifteen different and greatly dis- 
tinguished citizens have, in succession, 
administered the Executive branch of 

the go v ernment They have conducted 
it through many perils, and generally 

with great success. Vet. with all this 
SCCpe for precedent, 1 now enter upon the 
same task for the brief constitutional 



•ffnaugural Bfcfcress 163 

term of four years, under great and pecul- 
iar difficulty. A disruption of the Fed- 
eral Union, heretofore only menaced, is 
now formidably attempted. 

I hold that in contemplation of uni- 
versal law, and of the Constitution, the 
Union of these States is perpetual. Perpe- 
tuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fun- 
damental law of all national governments. 
It is safe to assert that no government 
proper ever had a provision in its organic 
law for its own termination. Continue 
to execute all the express provisions of 
our National Government, and the Union 
will endure forever — it being impossible 
to destroy it, except by some action not 
provided for in the instrument itself. 

Again, if the United States be not a 
government proper, but an association of 
States in the nature of contract merely, 
can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade 
by less than all the parties who made it ? 
One party to a contract may violate it — 
break it, so to speak ; but does it not re- 
quire all to lawfully rescind it ? 



164 Bbrabam Xinceln 

Descending from these general prin- 
ciples, we find the proposition that, in 
legal contemplation, the Union U 
petual. confirmed by the history of the 
Union itself. The Union is much older 

than the Constitution. It w in 

fact, by tlie Articles of Association in 
1774. It \v;h matured and continr. 

the Declaration of Independence in 17- 

It was further matured, and the faith of 

all the then thirteen Stat 

plighted and e: 1 that it should be 

perpetual, by th ra- 

tion in 1778. And, finally, in 

of tlie declared 'daining ai 

establishing the Cons ti t u t i on w 
farm a more perfect union. 91 

lint if destruction of the Union, hy < 

or by a part only, ^( the States, l>e law- 
fully possible, the Union 96 i>erfect 

than before, the Constitution having lost 
the vital element of perpe tui ty . 

It follows, from these views, that no 
vState, Upon its own mere motion, can 

lawfully get out ^i the Union ; that i 



Unaugural BDDress 165 

solves and ordinances to that effect are 
legally void ; and that acts of violence 
within any State or States, against the 
authority of the United States, are insur- 
rectionary or revolutionary, according to 
circumstances. 

I therefore consider that, in view of the 
Constitution and the laws, the Union is 
unbroken, and to the extent of my ability 
I shall take care, as the Constitution it- 
self expressly enjoins upon me, that the 
laws of the Union be faithfully executed 
in all the States. Doing this I deem to 
be only a simple duty on my part ; and I 
shall perform it, so far as practicable, un- 
less my rightful masters, the American 
people, shall withhold the requisite means, 
or, in some authoritative manner, direct 
the contrary. I trust this will not be re- 
garded as a menace, but only as the de- 
clared purpose of the Union that it will 
constitutionally defend and maintain it- 
self. In doing this there need be no 
bloodshed or violence ; and there shall 
be none, unless it be forced upon the Na- 



66 Sbrabam Xlncotn 

tional authority. The power confided to 
me will be used to hold, occupy, and 
the property and places belong- 
ing to the g o vernment, and to collect the 
duties rmd imposts; but beyond what 
may be Qecessary for these objects, there 
will be no invasion, no using of f 
instor among the people anywl 
Where hostility to the United St 

any interior locality, shall be so i 

and universal as to prev en t co m petent 

resident citizens from holding the Fed- 
eral offices, there will be no attempt to 
force ol the 

people for that object. Whili itrict 

d right ma] rt in the g o vernment 
to enforce tlu of these off. 

the attempt to do 90 would be so irritat- 
and so nearly impracticable withal. 
that I deem it b to forego, for the 

time, the uses of such offices. 

The mails, unless repelled, will I 
tinue to be furnished in all parts of the 

Union. So fax Bible, the pe 

even- where shall have that 9ense ol per- 



Unaugural Bfcftress 167 

feet security which is most favorable to 
calm thought and reflection. The course 
here indicated will be followed, unless 
current events and experience shall show 
a modification or change to be proper, 
and in every case and exigency my best 
discretion will be exercised, according to 
circumstances actually existing, and with 
a view and a hope of a peaceful solution 
of the National troubles, and the restora- 
tion of fraternal sympathies and affections. 

That there are persons in one section or 
another who seek to destroy the Union at 
all events, and are glad of any pretext to 
do it, I will neither affirm nor deny ; but 
if there be such, I need address no word 
to them. To those, however, who really 
love the Union, may I not speak? 

Before entering upon so grave a matter 
as the destruction of our National fabric, 
with all its benefits, its memories, and its 
hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain 
why w r e do it ? Will you hazard so des- 
perate a step while there is any possi- 
bility that any portion of the certain ills 



Sbrabam Xincoln 

you fly from have no real existence ? Will 
you, while the certain ills you fly to are 
greater than all the real ones you fly from, 
— will you risk the commission of so fear- 
ful a mistake ? 

All proles to be content in the Union, 
if all constitutional rights can be main- 
tained. Is it true. then, that any right, 
plainly written in the Constitution, has 
been denied? I think not. Happily the 
human mind is so constituted that no 

party can reach t<> the and kring 

this. Think, if you can. ofa single in- 
stance in which a plainly written pro- 
vision of the Constitution has ever t>een 

denied. If. by the mere force of num- 
bers, a majority Should deprive a mill' 

of any clearly written constitutional right, 

it might, in a moral point of view, justify 

revolution — certainly would if such r 

were a vital one. But >uch is not our 

case. All the vital rights of minorities 
and oi individuals are BO plainly assured 

to them by affirmations and 
guaranties and prohibitions in t". 



Inaugural BOOreas 169 

stitution, that controversies never arise 
concerning them. But no organic law 
can ever be framed with a provision 
specifically applicable to every question 
which may occur in practical administra- 
tion. No foresight can anticipate, nor 
any document of reasonable length con- 
tain, express provisions for all possible 
questions. Shall fugitives from labor be 
surrendered by National or State author- 
ity ? The Constitution does not expressly 
say. May Congress prohibit slavery in 
the Territories? The Constitution does 
not expressly say. Must Congress pro- 
tect slavery in the Territories? The 
Constitution does not expressly say. 

From questions of this class spring all 
our constitutional controversies, and we 
divide upon them into majorities and 
minorities. If the minority will not ac- 
quiesce, the majority must, or the gov- 
ernment must cease. There is no other 
alternative ; for continuing the govern- 
ment is acquiescence on one side or the 
other. If a minority in such case will 



170 Bbrabam Xincoln 

secede rather than acquiesce, they make 
a precedent which, in turn, will divide 
and ruin them ; for a minority of their 
own will secede from them whenever a 
majority refuses to be controlled by such 
a minority. For instance, why may not 
any portion of a new confederacy, a year 
or two hence, arbitrarily de again, 

precisely as portions of the present Union 

now claim to secede from it? All who 
cherish disunion sentiments are n< 

being educated to the exact temper of 

doing this. 

[a there such perfect identity of inter- 
Is anion- the to compose a new 

Union, as tO produce harmony only, and 

p rev ent renewed □ ? 

Plainly, the central idea of secession is 

the essence of anarchy. A m ijority held 

in restraint by Constitutional checks and 

limitations, and always changing easily 
with deliberate changes of popular Opi 
ions and sentime: the only t: 

SOI pie. Wh re- 

jects it, does. o\ u . fly to anarchy 



Unaugural Sfcfcress 171 

or to despotism. Unanimity is impos- 
sible ; the rule of a minority, as a per- 
manent arrangement, is wholly inadmis- 
sible ; so that, rejecting the majority 
principle, anarchy or despotism, in some 
form, is all that is left. . . . 

Physically speaking, we cannot sep- 
arate. We cannot remove our respective 
sections from each other, nor build an 
impassable wall between them. A hus- 
band and wife may be divorced, and go 
out of the presence and beyond the reach 
of each other ; but the different parts of 
our country cannot do this. They can- 
not but remain face to face, and inter- 
course, either amicable or hostile, must 
continue between them. It is impossible, 
then, to make that intercourse more ad- 
vantageous or more satisfactory after sep- 
aration than before. Can aliens make 
treaties easier than friends can make 
laws? Can treaties be more faithfully 
enforced between aliens than laws can 
among friends ? Suppose you go to war, 
you cannot fight always, and when after 



i-2 Bbrabam Xinccln 



much loss on both sides and no gain on 
either you cease fighting, the identical 
old questions as to terms of intercourse 
are again upon you. 

This country, with its institutions, be- 
longs to the people who inhabit it. 

Whenever they shall grow weary of the 
existing g ov ernment they can exercise 
their constitutional right of amending 

or their revolutionary right to dismember 
or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of 
the fact that many worthy and patriotic 
citizens arc desirous of having the 

tional Constitution amended. ... I 

understand a proposed amendment to the 

Constitution — which amendment. 1. 

ever, I have not s een issed ( 

gress, to the effect that the Federal Gov- 
ernment shall never interfere with the 

domestic institutions ^( the E in- 

cluding that ^\ persons held tosei 
To avoid misconstruction of what I have 

said, I depart from my purpose not to 

speak of particular amendment-. SO far as 
to say that, holding such a provision now 



flnausural BDDrees 173 

to be implied constitutional law, I have 
no objections to its being made express 
and irrevocable. 

The Chief Magistrate derives all his 
authority from the people, and they have 
conferred none upon him to fix terms for 
the separation of the States. The people 
themselves can do this also if they choose, 
but the Executive, as such, has nothing 
to do with it. His duty is to administer 
the present government as it came to his 
hands, and to transmit it, unimpaired by 
him, to his successor. Why should there 
not be a patient confidence in the ultimate 
justice of the people ? Is there any better 
or equal hope in the world ? In our pres- 
ent differences is either party without 
faith of being in the right? If the Al- 
mighty Ruler of Nations, with His eternal 
truth and justice, be on your side of the 
North, or yours of the South, that truth 
and that justice will surely prevail, by 
the judgment of this great tribunal of the 
American people. By the frame of the 
Government under which we live, the 



174 Bbrabam Xincoln 

same people have wisely given their pub- 
lie sen-ants but little power for mischief, 
and have with equal wisdom provided for 
the return of that little to their own hands 

at very short intervals. While the people 

retain their virtue and vigilance, no . 
ministration, by any extreme of wicked- 
ness <>r folly, can very - sly injure tl 
g ov er n ment in the short | 
Mv countrymen, i think 

Calmly and well upon this whol< 

Nothing valuable can be Lost 

time, [f there be an i my 

of you in hot haste I p which you 
would never take delil 

will be frustrated bj takii but no 

be Era ich 

of J OC -till have 
the old Constitution unu 

the sensitive point, tl. or own 

framing under it ; while the new admin- 
istration will have no iinnu 

if it would, to change either. If it w 
admitted that you wl Bed 

hold the right side in thi . there 



flnauQural agrees 175 

is still no single good reason for pre- 
cipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, 
Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him 
who has never yet forsaken this favored 
land are still competent to adjust in the 
best way all our present difficulty. In 
your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-coun- 
trymen, and not in mine, are the mo- 
mentous issues of civil war. The gov- 
ernment will not assail you. You can 
have no conflict without being yourselves 
the aggressors. You have no oath regis- 
tered in Heaven to destroy the govern- 
ment, while I shall have the most solemn 
one to " preserve, protect, and defend " it. 
I am loth to close. We are not enemies, 
but friends. We must not be enemies. 
Though passion may have strained, it must 
not break, our bonds of affection. The 
mystic chords of memory, stretching from 
every battle-field and patriot grave to every 
living heart and hearthstone all over this 
broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the 
Union when again touched, as surely they 
will be, by the better angels of our nature. 



LINCOLN'S SECOND INAUGURAL 
ADDRESS 




SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 



MARCH 4, 1865. 

CELLOW-COUNTRYMEN.— At this 
* second appearing to take the oath 
of the Presidential office, there is less 
occasion for an extended address than 
there was at first. Then a statement, 
somewhat in detail, of a course to be 
pursued seemed very fitting and prop- 
er. Now, at the expiration of four 
years, during which public declarations 
have been constantly called forth on 
every point and phase of the great con- 
test which still absorbs the attention and 
engrosses the energies of the nation, little 
that is new could be presented. 

The progress of our arms, upon which 
all else chiefly depends, is as well known 



180 Bbrabam Xtncolu 

to the public as to myself, and it is, I 
trust, reasonably satisfactory and encour- 
aging to all. With high hope for the 
future, no prediction in regard to it is 

ventured. 

On tht »rresponding to this 

four 3 all thoughts were anx- 

iously directed to an impending civil war. 
All dreaded it, all sought to avoid it. 
While the inaugural ad: being 

delivered from thifl place I alto- 

ther to saving the Union without w 
insurgent agents were in thecit :ng 

to destroy it with war — seeking to di 
solve the Union and divide the eflfe I 
negotiation* Both 

war, hut one of them would mak 
rather than let the nation Mirvive. and 
the other would accept war rather than 
let it perish, and the war 
eighth of the whole population were e 
ored slaves, not distributed generally 
over the Union, hut localized in I 

uthern part of it. T: 
stituted a peculiar ami powerful inters 



Inaugural BC^ress 1S1 



All knew that this interest was somehow 
the cause of the war. To strengthen, 
perpetuate, and extend this interest was 
the object for which the insurgents would 
rend the Union by war, while the gov- 
ernment claimed no right to do more 
than to restrict the territorial enlarge- 
ment of it. 

Neither party expected for the war the 
magnitude or the duration which it has 
already attained. Neither anticipated 
that the cause of the conflict might cease 
when, or even before the conflict, itself 
should cease. Each looked for an easier 
triumph, and a result Less fundamental 
and astounding. Both read the same 
Bible and pray to the same God, and each 
invokes His aid against the other. It 
may seem strange that any men should 
dare to ask a just God's assistance in 
wringing their bread from the sweat of 
other men's faces, but let us judge not, 
that we be not judged. The prayer of 
both could not be answered. That of 
neither has been answered fully. The 



182 Bbrabam Xincoln 

Almighty has His own purposes. " Woe 
unto the world because of offences, for it 
must needs be that offences come, but woe 
to that man by whom the offence cometh V ' 
If we shall suppose that American slavery 
is one of those offences which, in the 
providence ofGod, must needs come, but 
which having continued through His 
appointed time, He now wills to rein 
and that He gives to both North and 
South this terrible war as the woe due to 
those by whom the offence came, shall we 
discern there any departure from ti 

Divine attributes which the believe: 
a living God alwaj ribe to Him? 

Fondly dn we hope, fervently do we pray, 
that this might] :rge of war may 

speedily pass away. Yet if God wills 

that it continue until all the wealth piled 
by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty 

years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and 
until every drop oi blood drawn with the 

lash shall be paid by another drawn with 

the sword, as was said three t:: 

years ago, so still it must be said, that the 



Inaugural Bfcfcress 183 

judgments of the Lord are true and 
righteous altogether. 

With malice toward none, with charity 
for all, with firmness in the right as God 
gives us to see the right, let us finish the 
work we are in, to bind up the nation's 
wounds, to care for him who shall have 
borne the battle, and for his widow and 
his orphans, to do all which may achieve 
and cherish a just and a lasting peace 
among ourselves and with all nations. 







LINCOLN'S GETTYSBURG 
ADDRESS 



THE GETTYSBURG ADDRESS, 



NOVEMBER 19, 1863. 

COURSCORE and seven years ago our 
* fathers brought forth upon this con- 
tinent a new nation, conceived in liberty, 
and dedicated to the proposition that all 
men are created equal. Now we are en- 
gaged in a great civil war, testing whether 
that nation, or any nation so conceived and 
so dedicated, can long endure. We are met 
on a great battle-field of that war. We 
have come to dedicate a portion of that 
field as a final resting-place for those who 
here gave their lives that that nation 
might live. It is altogether fitting and 
proper that we should do this. But in a 
larger sense we cannot dedicate, we can- 
not consecrate, we cannot hallow this 
ground. The brave men, living and 



188 Bbrabam Xincoln 

dead, who struggled here, have conse- 
crated it far above our power to add or 
detract. The world will little note, nor 
long remember, what we say here, but it 
can never Gorget what they did here. It is 
for ns, the living, rather to be dedk 
here to the unfinished work which they 
who fought here have thus far SO nobly 
advanced. It is rather for us to be here 

dedicated to the great ta>k remaining 

before OS, that from these honored d 

we take inerea-ed df 

for which they gave the last full measure 
of devotion ; that we here highly res 

that these dead shall DOt have died in 
vain ; that this nation, under God, shall 
have a new birth of freedom, and that 
gover nm ent of the ]>eoj>k\ by the people, 
and for the people, shall not perish from 
the earth. 



APPENDIX 




APPENDIX. 



Declaration or Independence. 

The resolution for Independence was intro- 
duced by Richard Henry Lee in the Continen- 
tal Congress on June 7, 1776. For two days it 
was discussed by that body, which then deferred 
further consideration till July 2d, in order to give 
the colonies that had not yet instructed their 
delegations to vote for it, time to do so ; but 
that no time might be lost, a committee, con- 
sisting of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Ben- 
jamin Franklin, Roger Sherman, and Robert 
R. Livingston was appointed to prepare a decla- 
ration. 

On July 2d the Continental Congress "AV< 
solved, That these United Colonies are, and of 
right ought to be, Free and Independent States ; 



192 BppenMs 



and that they are absolved from all allegiance 
to the British crown, and that political connec- 
tion between them and the state of Great 
Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved," — 
and this is the true " Declaration of Independ- 
ence." 

The resolution, however, needed justification ; 
and what has therefore since been known as 

the Declaration of Independence was drawn by 
Thomas Jefferson, and after alight alterations 
by the Committee and by Hm 

published t<> the world by the latter as their 

>ns .md justification for t'. 

Lotion, and as a mutual pledge by the members 
of life, fortune, and honor to support the 

measure, by the signing of which, each man. 

so far concerned, declared 

himself a traitor ; so that Franklin bmghil 
remarked that they must all bang together, 

or they would all hang aepaiati 

Constitution. 

The Constitution of the United was 

framed by a Convention i^\ de' a the 



Bppen&fs 193 



thirteen original States (Rhode Island excepted) 
which assembled at Philadelphia in May, 1787, 
and adjourned in September of the same year. 
By this Convention the Constitution was trans- 
mitted to the Continental Congress, who re- 
ferred it to the State legislatures, which agree- 
ably to the advice of the Federal Convention, 
called State conventions to consider and ratify 
or reject. The State conventions adopted it in 
the following order : Delaware, December 7, 
1787; Pennsylvania, December 12, 1787; New 
Jersey, December 18, 1787 ; Georgia, January 2, 
1788; Connecticut, January 9, 17S8 ; Massachu- 
setts, February 6, 1788 ; Maryland, April 28, 
1788 ; South Carolina, May 23, 1788 ; and New 
Hampshire, June 21, 1788. By the final clause 
of the Constitution, it was to be established 
when nine States should accept it, so with this 
ratification by New Hampshire, it became the 
supreme law of the land, so far as the adopting 
States were concerned. The other States rati- 
fied it as follows : Virginia, June 26, 1788 ; New 
York, July 26, 1788 ; North Carolina, Novem- 
ber 21, 1788 ; Rhode Island, May 29, 1790. 



i94 BppenMg. 



Washington's Circular Letter. 

The signing of the definitive treaty of peace 
with Great Britain, left the United States with 
a comparatively large unpaid, and dissatisfied 
army, an empty treasury, and a weak govern- 
ment. Outspoken tent was prevalent 
among the troops, who even talked < I 
ing justi : the Congress by the bayonet. 
'fin- States refused all m< .id to the 
Continental which was practically 
without power t<» enfon 

of a military -turn the present 

go vern ment were whispen t, and it 

I that W U this 

...ning 
hi- commission ; but evi 
ton sent forth thiscin fctertotli mors 

of tin h he not only a: 

retirement into private life, hut points out the 

evils and weaklier of tl rnment, 

and the necessity 

as he did, that In i Mount Wnion 

for the rest of his 

farewell ail'. 



HppenMj 195 



Washington's First Inaugural Address. 

The Constitution having been ratified by the 
necessary number of States in June, 1788, the 
Continental Congress appointed the first Wed- 
nesday, in January, 1789, the day for the choos- 
ing of Presidential electors, and the 4th of 
March in the same year the date for the assem- 
bling of the new Congress. The Congress did 
not succeed in organizing till April 6th how- 
ever, when an examination of the electoral vote 
showed George Washington to have been unan- 
imously elected President. Being duly notified of 
this, he left Mount Vernon on April 16th, reach- 
ing New York on the 23d of the same month. 

On the 30th of April he attended the Congress, 
and having first taken the oath of office in sight 
of the people on the balcony of the Federal 
Hall, he returned to the Senate Chamber and 
read this first inaugural address, a contempo- 
rary account of the delivery of which has been 
left us by Senator Maclay : "As the company 
returned into the Chamber the President took 
the chair, and the Senate and Representatives 
their seats. He arose, and all arose, and he 



Bppenfttg 



addressed them. This great man was agil 
and embarrassed more than ever he was by the 
levelled cannon or pointed musket He b 
bled, and - could ::iake out 

to read, though it most apposed he 

often read it before. II 

hand which left 
imprc 

in tin 
that t:: id off his 

::i the ; 
takir. I hurt 

To and 

ered in the light of -age to 

tther tl. 

■ 

and \. abKc in 

of that 



BppcnWi 197 



But there was an additional reason for the 
shortness of this particular address. The Demo- 
cratic party, then just organizing, had already 
begun its attacks on Washington. "The Fed- 
eralists are Monarchists ; Washington is their 
leader. Therefore Washington is aiming to be 
king." vSuch was the tendency, if not the direct 
argument, of the opposition. The mere motion 
for the House of Representatives to adjourn 
on February 22d, in order that the members 
might pay calls of respect on Washington, met 
with factious opposition, as an improper atten- 
tion to pay to the man, and any other approach 
to the slightest form or ceremony was hailed 
by the Democratic press and politicians as 
another step towards the monarch}- that was 
then such a bete noire. 

Thus there was not only the question whether 
a public inauguration was necessary, but also, 
whether it would be policy to give the oppo- 
sition a possible chance of attack by making 
it so. Washington therefore hesitated, and 
finally on the 27th of February called a Cabinet 
council, and requested a written opinion on the 



19S BppenCur 



question. Hamilton, for " prudential consider- 
ations," advised that the oath be taken at his 
own house, and in this Jefferson concur 
Knox and Randolph, on the contrary, advised 
that it be taken in the S aamber, but 

'•are ful to recommend that he " go without 
form, attended by SUCh gentlemen as he may 
choose, and return without form, 
he be preceded by the marshal ?> ; and v. 
ington took thi nd course, but aa the 

opinions m en till Bfai little 

time was left to prepare the inaugural address. 

Arthur J. Stan^bury fa iqx>rted 

to be recoil* 

inaugural ad< • both 

Schroeder and Lossing in their biographies of 

Washington, but m of the 

statements Bhows that tin int refers to 

ber, 179$! and not to thi- 

address. 

Washington's I >s. 

In 1792, near the I u of V. ion's 

first term, he seriously ' of reti: . 



Hppen&ix 199 



the presidency, and so obtained from James 
Madison his ideas of what should be touched 
upon in a farewell address. Over-persuaded by 
his friends and political advisers he was induced 
to continue in office, only to repent " once hav- 
ing slipped the moment of resigning his office, 
and that was every moment since," and to be- 
come the subject of such bitter and partisan 
attacks that a large body of the people were 
alienated from him and his position made ex- 
tremely distasteful to him. Thus, when a second 
opportunity arrived of retiring from the public 
service he seized upon it, and having consulted 
and received aid from Alexander Hamilton and 
John Jay in the preparation of this Farewell Ad- 
dress, he issued it to the people as an announce- 
ment of his intention, and as a beacon light for 
their future political guidance. 



Paul, Leicester Ford. 



Brooklyn, 

March 30, 1889. 



INDEX TO THE CONSTITUTION 




INDEX TO THE CONSTITUTION. 



Abridged, immunities of citizens, not to be, 53 

Accused to have a speedy trial, 47 

Actions at common law, 48 

Acts and proceedings of another State, faith and credit 

given to, 41 
Adjournment— President may convene and adjourn Con- 

admitted, new States may be, 42 

Advice and consent of the Senate. 36 

ntattaesand Senators, 18 

Aid and comfort to enemies, 40 

Alliance or confederation. 31 

Ambassad dent may appoint, 37 

Amendments to the C on s t i tut ion, 43 

Answer for crimes, 47 

Appellate jurisdiction. Supreme Court shall have, 38, 39 

dntment of representation, 20, 53 
Appropriate legislation— Congress has power, etc., 24, 

z8, 29 

Armies land and naval forces, 28 
Attainder— c-.i-f>o±t-fdcfo law, 30 
Authors and inventor- 
Ballot for President and Vice-President, 49, 50, 51 
Bankruptcies, 27 
Bills of credit, 31 
Capital crimes, 47 
Census, 19, 30 



204 Unfcer 

Chief-Justice shall preside, when. 22 

Citizens of the United States, 21, 41,42 ; who are included 

as, 53 
Classification of Senators, 20, 21, 22 
Coin a tender in payment of debts, 31 • 
Color, or previous condition of servitude, 56 
Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, the Presi- 

d' nt, when, 36 

Commerce or revenue. 30 

Compact with another State, 31 
Compensations. 24, 35, 36, 47 

Congress, p o we ra vested in. 96, 27. jB, 29. 34, 40. 42, 52 

Constitution, executive an<l legislative powers under 
the i, 42, 44 

Co nven tion Got pi -lments, 43 

Copyright! to am.. 1 

Courts Oflaw, 37 

Crimes- capital or Otherwise, 36,47 

Death, resignation, etc ,of] 

of the United Mates, 43, 44 

Defence tnd genera] welfare, 26, 27 
36 

District of Columbia, 29 
Don . 42 

Due process oflaw, 47 

Duties, In 

Election ^1 President and Vice-Pi 53, 34 : of Sena- 

19, 20, 21 

33, 49, 5° 
Ushmentoftl cen the States, 

cuthre power 

Expel a member. 23 
Kxports or import- 
law. 3] 

Foreign nations •. • of commerce 






ITnfcea: 205 

Forfeiture for treason, 40 

Form of government, a republican, guaranteed, 42 

Freedom of speech or press, 45, 46 

Fugitives from crime, 41 

General welfare (preamble), 17 

Gold and silver a tender, 31 

Habeas corpus, 30 

House of Representatives, 18, 23, 53 

Immunities from arrest, etc., 23, 25, 53 

Impeachment, 20, 36 

Imports and exports, 31 

Indictments, 22, 47 

Insurrection or rebellion, 28, 55 

Inventors and authors, 27 

Judges of courts, 38 

Judicial powers, 38, 49 

Jury, trial by, 40 

Laws and treaties, 39 

Legal tender, 31 

Legislation in all cases in power of Congress, 29 

Letters of marque and reprisal, 28 

Liberty (preamble), 17 

Marque and reprisal, 31 

Measures, 27 

Meeting of Congress, 22 

Misdemeanor, high crimes, etc., 38 

Naturalization, Congress to establish rules of, 27 

Navy, Congress to provide a, 28 

New States, 42 

Nobility, no title of, shall be granted, 30 

Nominations for office by the President, 37 

Number of electors, 32 

Oath of office of the President, 36 

Obligation of contracts, 31 

Offences against the United States, 34, 36 

Pardons, the President may grant reprieves and, 36 



2 </> fn<>cr 

Pensions and bounties, 55 
Powers not delegated, 49 
Towers vested in Congress, 18, 26 

President and Vice-I'resident, manner of choosing, 33,49 
dent of the United States, 22, 25, 32, 37 
tempore, 21 
Prh I immunities of citizens. 41, 46, 47 

•ty Of the l'n 

47 
Punishment according to lav. 
Qualificati :Tice. 18, jf 

QaonUB —.a majority, 23 

Race. ,56 

ucnts, 43 
- present; i 

real of grievances, 45 

nations ofcomm« 

ReUgkmi teat, no, 44 

- 19. 20 
trress, 18, 19 
It 36 

nn o f go vc rn m e n t 

another, 30 
tf in Um . 48 

Seat « t . 29 

-cntatives, 18 
iS, 23, 25 
M 
tude, 52, 56 
Ships of war. 32 

State of the I'nior. 
States— what '. 



Unbez 207 

Suits at common law, 48 

Suppression of insurrection, 28 

Supreme Court, 39 

Supreme law of the land, 44 

Tax or duty, 19, 30 

Tender in payment of debts, 31 

Term of four years, 32 

Territory of the United States, 42 

Title of nobility, 30, 31 

Treason, what to consist of, 40 

Treaties, power to make, in the President, 36 

Union, to establish a more perfect. 17, 37 

Unreasonable searches and seizures, 46 

Useful arts — securing to authors and inventors, 27 

Vacancies, 20, 37, 

Veto power in the President, 25, 26 

Vice-President, President of the Senate, 21 ; manner of 

choosing, 49, 50 
Vote, each Senator shall have one, 20 
Vote of two thirds of each house to expel a member, 23 
War against the United States— of what consists, 40 
Weights and measures, 27 
Witnesses in criminal prosecutions, 40 
Writ of habeas corpus, 30 
Writs of election, 20 

Written opinion of principal officers, 36 
Yeas and nays, when to be entered on the journals, 23 



